You have to hand it to the French. It didn't take them long to blame America for Dominique Strauss-Kahn's problems. The French satyr, as Maureen Dowd calls him, is in a peck of trouble, sitting in Riker's Island with the hoi polloi. Bad food. Nasty inmates. Confinement. None of it can be very much fun, not to speak of comparing it to his digs at the Sofitel, where he's accused of having attempted to attack a chambermaid, an immigrant from (French?) Africa.
So the French chattering classes have much to chatter about. Now they can talk about how stinky America is when contrasted with France. An indispensable account of bien pensant opinion in France is furnished by the Los Angeles Times today. Just to read it is to feel a warm glow of the good old days when the French would take out their frustrations on those callow Yankees. It's nice to see that even if France is no longer a great power, it can still lash out at its quondam American rescuer. In fact, its resentments are, of course, amplified by the fact that America and the English language have supplanted France and the French tongue. Kim Willsher reports:
While some viewed Strauss-Kahn and France as victims of the scandal, few spared a thought for the woman he is accused of attacking Saturday.
In truth, it takes very little for France to revert to its default position on the United States. Sniping about the invasion of McDonald's or Starbucks on the Grands Boulevards of Paris, niggling about Americans buying up real estate in the chic parts of town and country (the British are just as bad, but everyone thinks they're American), criticizing the wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq, and trashing the cultural omnipresence of Walt Disney Co.
Today, thanks to Strauss-Kahn, the French who choose to criticize the U.S. have a fresh reason to shake their heads and point fingers at the country they love to hate.
So far, Strauss-Kahn himself has been keeping mum, probably on the advice of his high-priced lawyers. He was almost able to pull a Polanski by rushing to an Air France jet. Now he must be hoping be to reach some kind of settlement in the hope of preventing prosecutors from being able to bring the case to trial. Another hope might be to argue that any jury pool is going to be hopelessly tainted, at least in New York, due to the massive publicity surrounding his arrest. Strauss-Kahn must be more than a little envious of Arnold who managed to terminate any publicity about his fathering a love-child for almost a decade by keeping it all in the family. It's been a bad week for gropers. Now Strauss-Kahn is himself groping to deal with a new reality as he sits in a jail cell wearing an orange jumpsuit.
It seems that potential candidates for the Republican nomination keep announcing that they're not running. Mick Huckabee turned it down. So did Donald Trump. And Mitch Daniels?
He looks to be the great hope of the GOP in 2012. If he runs. Which depends upon his wife. Wives are becoming increasingly important. Maria Shriver just dumped Arnold, peeved at his fathering a child with a member of the household staff about a decade ago. Does Sarah Palin's decision about whether to run or not depend upon what Todd thinks? He's no Dennis Thatcher, hiding from the spotlight. Instead, he appears to play an integral role in her career.The odds are that, like Huckabee, she won't run.
But could it be that the GOP field is actually benefitting from the absence of Huckabee and others? Writing in the Los Angeles Times, Jonah Goldberg is jubilant. OK, maybe jubilation is an exaggeration. But Goldberg is fairly sanguine. He appears to believe that the prevailing belief that the GOP is stuck in the far right breakdown lane is nonsense. Instead, a vigorous and healthy debate may take place over what constitutes conservative policies. As Goldberg puts it, the ferment that is taking place, with Newt Gingrich first denouncing the House GOP Medicare plan, then retreating,
does hint that this year's primary season won't be a replay of the dreadful 2008 debates in which the candidates auditioned to play the part of Ronald Reagan in the school play.
It also suggests that the front-runners — a group that includes former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty — might be ahead of the rank and file of the GOP.Come November, it is very unlikely that conservative voters will stay home. So, barring a truly fringe GOP nominee, they will vote against Obama no matter what. Already, the conversation on the right is moving toward the all-important question of "electability" — i.e., which candidate can peel off the handful of moderates and independents needed to win in an election that will be a referendum on Obama and his record.
Both Mitt Romney and Tim Pawlenty look like the strongest potential candidates because they have the ability, or at least the potential, to perform that kind of depilatory act. So far, Obama has been busily collecting his $1 billion for the 2012 race, while the GOP has been floundering. But if Goldberg is right, then he could be in for a tougher race than he may expect.
The knives are being sharpened for Dominique Strauss-Kahn—DSK, as he is known in France. Poor fellow! He forgot that he has numerous enemies out to traduce his reputation, destroy his career, leave everything he has worked for—the $3,000 luxury suite, the Porsches—in shambles.
Nicolas Sarkozy, the president of France, has good reasons to try and bring Strauss-Kahn and the socialists into disrepute. But another leading suspect in the plot to get DSK has to be Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany. Everything about the man must repel her. She leads a personally austere lifestyle. More important, she and her fellow Germans have every reason to want Strauss-Kahn out of the IMF. It's Strauss-Kahn who has been pushing for more generous loans to Athens and other cash-strapped European countries. In essence, a Frenchman is playing Russian roulette with German funds.
So this episode at the Sofitel Hotel in New York may simply be the latest chapter in the long saga of Franco-German hostilities. Does it rank up there with 1870, 1914, and 1940? Hardly. But it may testify to the willingness of Germany to do anything necessary to prevent a reckless Frenchman from risking inflationary policies.
Meanwhile, there's a good deal of gloating over Strauss-Kahn's humiliation. The Wall Street Journal, for example, observes
the arrest of Dominique Strauss-Kahn on charges of sexually assaulting a hotel cleaning woman in New York City is a personal humiliation for the French politician, but it is also a black mark on the International Monetary Fund that chose to overlook his previous sexual behavior. It will be fascinating to see how the grandees of French and international financial politics handle this one.
For others the Strauss-Kahn imbroglio is the melancholy case of a socialist who lost his way—and who empitomizes the general collapse of European socialism. Strauss-Kahn, so the thinking goes, became corrupted, a part of the financial elites that, as a socialist, he should have shunned. Instead, he became swept up in the heady lifestyle of the rich and famous. His alleged attack on a chambermaid simply represents the quintessence of privilege run amok. He had come to view himself as an aristocrat, endowed with unique rights. Droit de seigneur indeed.
At the same time, Strauss-Kahn faces the threat of a lawsuit in France itself. A 31-year-old woman, the goddaughter of his second wife, is accusing him of sexual assault about a decade ago. How DSK extricates, or attempts to extricate, himself from this pickle will be fascinating to observe. Perhaps he should call Bill Clinton for some advice.
On Good Morning America, Ron Paul just announced his candidacy for the presidency. It's further proof that every good little boy or girl can dream about being presidential timber. But it's hard not to admire Paul's tenacity and sheer grit. My old colleague at the Los Angeles Times, Andrew Malcolm, a veteran newsman if there ever was one, who also worked for George W. Bush in Texas and is buddies with Karl Rove, has a perceptive post about Paul.
He points out that Paul not only exemplifies what he preaches—thrift, austerity—but also has had a big impact on the GOP. As well as on the Obama administration. Paul's bete noire—the burgeoning deficit—has become Exhibit A for what's wrong with the federal government. Scorn Paul at your peril, in other words. As Malcolm puts it,
Like a fiscal conservative who walks the walk, Paul ended 2008's bid with not one penny of campaign debt. In fact, flying commercial and staying in Super 8's, Paul had a $5-million surplus, which he put toward sowing the seeds of something called the tea party.
Perhaps you've heard of it. Ron's son Rand got elected senator that way. As did the new 2011 Republican majority in the House.
The libertarian-like movement speaks to a broad-based unhappiness with and suspicion of too-big government, too much spending, too much debt, too much war. Bureaucracies and businesses saturated with cronies who take care of each other at the expense of those folks paying the bills.
Paul wants out of those wars. Forget the American empire. Use the money back home. Cut the federal government. Follow the Constitution. Get out of people's lives. Paul's plans don't have a snowball's chance in a Galveston August of becoming reality. But despite all the tea party media mocking of two years ago, it was this movement that drove last fall's midterm election debate—and victories. And the ongoing budget, deficit and debt limit arguments.
Now many Republicans will argue that Paul is a spoiler. But with a rather weak field, the GOP's chances of toppling Obama are looking pretty iffy, at least right now. This election could be like 1964, when the Republicans lost big, but found their way back to conservatism. It could be one of those elections that's more about ideology than about actually winning. If so, the field will be wide open for Paul. The blunt fact is that his brand of libertarianism will appeal to many Republicans who are tired of foreign wars and a soaring debt. When it comes to social conservatives, Paul will, however, not be an appealing voice--he favors legalizing drugs, among other things. But Paul is the ultimate Tea Party candidate. As Malcolm and others have noted, he is, in fact, the godfather of the Tea Party.
But the potions that Paul is preparing are a lot stronger than mere tea. He's whipping up a cocktail of positions that could leave heads reeling in the GOP. Is a Pauline conversion about to take place? 2012 may be the battleground for the soul of the GOP.
Mitt Romney wants to become America's next president. He's been very successful, according to a number of reports, at raising millions on Wall Street. But the paper named after it, the Wall Street Journal, isn't satisfied with Romney. In a lengthy and extraordinary editorial, it calls him the worst epithet a conservative could probably think of—"Obama's Running Mate."
When a political party is out of power, or at least doesn't hold the presidency, numerous dissenting voices are usually heard. It can be a fructifying time. But it can also be a time when ideological agendas are ruthlessly enforced. The Journal clearly believes that it is flushing out a Trojan Horse—a false prophet, in the form of Romney, who laid down the lineaments of the Obama health care plan during his own tenure as Governor of Massachusetts—and is now attempting to palliate, not disown, his record. Romney's "fatal flaw" is that he doesn't understand the free enterprise system, says the Journal:
Mr. Romney's fundamental error was assuming that such differences could be parsed by his own group of experts, as if government can be run by management consultants. He still seems to believe he somehow squared the views of Jonathan Gruber, the MIT evangelist for ObamaCare, with those of the Heritage Foundation. In reality, his ostensible liberal allies like the late Ted Kennedy saw an opening to advance their own priorities, and in Mr. Romney they took advantage of a politician who still doesn't seem to understand how government works. It's no accident that RomneyCare's most vociferous
defenders now are in the White House and left-wing media and think tanks. They know what happened, even if he doesn't.
The Journal's message could not be clearer: he is not one uf us. He has a credibility gap. He isn't a true conservative. He's a phony, a pretender who will sell out conservative principles the second he enters office. He is, in other words, George H.W. Bush reincarnated.
Now it's clearly the case that Romney, in a weak Republican field, has the most practical experience as a businessman and Governor. It would also seem that his Republican bona fides are in order—after all, his own father, George, was Governor of Michigan. If he became president, it also clear that he would be subjected to a barrage of criticism, much as George H.W. Bush was, for not acting like a real conservative. The war against Romney has begun. His greatest hurdle may not be battling the Democratic party but the conservative base in the GOP itself.
British historian Andrew Roberts, one of the most conservative of his generation, has a column in the Wall Street Journal blasting his brethren for their timidity in facing up to al-Qaeda. Roberts chronicles his countrymen's reaction to the killing of Osama bin Laden, which is to say their anger at America for polishing off the would-be Mr. Big of international terrorism. In an inversion of reality, they seem to view bin Laden as a victim of American imperialism. Obama has become the new swaggering George W. Bush, carrying out rough frontier justice rather than abiding by the niceties of international law.
Britons are, of course, not unique. Castigating America? It's a European phenomenon. It endows the castigator with moral superiority over those primitive, bumptious Yanks. But the quotes that Roberts provides from a recent BBC show are certainly eyebrow-raising:
Another panelist, the writer Yasmin Alibhai Brown, was applauded when she said she was "depressed" by the killing, as it "demeans a democracy and a president who has shown himself to be the Ugly American. He's degraded American democracy, which had already degraded itself through torture and rendition." The former Liberal Party leader Paddy Ashdown was then cheered when he said: "I cannot rejoice on the killing of any man. I belong to a country that is founded on the principle of exercise of due process of law," as though the United States was founded on some other idea.
Roberts says he's profoundly ashamed of his fellow Britons. But however emotionally satisfying this caterwauling about American iniquities may be, does it amount to anything significant? Is it a sign that the British are afraid of terrorists? The problem with this line of argument is that Prime Minister David Cameron plunged John Bull into war in Libya. There is no real sign that Britian is turning pacifist. In Germany, by contrast, foreign intervention is deeply unpopular. Chancellor Angela Merkel was upbraided—even has seen a criminal lawsuit filed against her by a Hamburg judge for allegedly promoting "homicide" by expressing her gratitude for the elimination of bin Laden—by members of her own political party.
Nothing of the kind is occurring in Britain. The era of rule Britannia may have gone by the boards, but the swan's nest in an English lake, as Shakespeare put it, remains a stalwart ally of America. Whether it made the right decision to intervene in Libya is another matter. But there is no cogent reason to believe that the nattering of a few left-wing intellectuals is anything new. Once upon a time a goodly number of British intellectuals as well as the Dean of Canterbury, Hewlett Johnson, praised Stalin, a bizarre phenomenon that the scholar Paul Hollander chronicled in his book Political Pilgrims. Why should it be surprising that they are now engaging in special pleading on behalf of bin Laden?
What constitutes acceptable criticism of Israel? This question has assumed an increasing importance over the past decade. The default mode of Israel's defenders on the right has been to allege that when X says something critical of Israel, he or she is anti-Israel or even an anti-Semite. John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, for example, were roundly condemned as anti-Semitic for their book the Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy. The late Tony Judt came under withering attacks for his proposal for a return to the idea of a Jewish bi-national state and was even disinvited from giving a lecture at the Polish consulate in New York, at least partly due to pressure from his detractors.
Now the famous playwright Tony Kushner has come under fire at the City University of New York. The trustees voted to bar him from receiving an honorary degree. The result has been a fresh uproar. Kushner says he was calumniated by one trustee in particular named Jeffrey S. Wiesenfeld. Wiesenfeld said that Kushner was unworthy of receiving a degree because he supports a boycott of Israel and was a member of an organization called Jewish Voice for Peace that, among other things, doesn't support a security fence for Israel. Kushner says the charge that he is anti-Israel is bogus—he has always supported Israel's right to exist. But he doesn't believe that Israel should be exempt from criticism, paticularly when it comes to its conduct in 1948.
Wiesenfeld appears to have a history of trying to intervene in academic affairs on behalf of what he interprets as Israel's best interests. The Guardian reports:
Wiesenfeld has a record of acting to forward what he considers the interests of the state of Israel. A former political fixer for the then governor of New York state, George Pataki, he was instrumental earlier this year in having a temporary CUNY lecturer fired because of his views on Israel. The teacher was later reinstated.
In the wake of his intervention against Kushner, he told the New York Times that he believed the Palestinians had "developed a culture which is unprecedented in human history". He said: "People who worship death for their children are not human."
It is true that people who worship death for their children are not human. But can all Palestinians be viewed as holding such views in their totality as an ethnic group? Are the Palestinians uniquely depraved in the entire history of mankind, as Wisenfeld appears to imply? Or is Wiesenfeld not simply painting with a broad brush, but flirting with racism? At a minimum, this is very loose language indeed. It seems fair to conclude that Wiesenfeld is a guttersnipe.
The trustees have since reversed their decision, but Kushner remains aggrieved:
The playwright said he was bothered that Wiesenfeld's remarks went unchallenged by the other 11 trustees during the May 2 meeting.
"So, at a public hearing, to allow one of their members to, you know, trade in the kind of garbage that this guy Wiesenfeld was trading in, and to say nothing, is really kind of disturbing," Kushner said. "Rather than having the discussion they should have had, they simply tabled my nomination."
The episode is a revealing one. What it reveals is the code of omerta that some American Jews are trying to enforce when it comes to Israel. Kushner is undoubtedly not an admirer of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. But since when is it impermissible in principle to object to the specific policies that the Israeli government is pursuing? And what relevance did Kushner's views on Israel have to his receipt of an honorary degree?
The Kushner flap is one more tedious chapter in an ongoing saga over America's relations with Israel. It is not an inspiriting one. If Israel's putative defenders had more confidence in the Jewish state, they wouldn't be resorting to such hamhanded tactics. The only thing they are exposing is themselves.
Image from TimothyHorrigan
The banality of evil, a phrase popularized by the political philosopher Hannah Arendt, has never seemed all that convincing. It represents an attempt to drain the emotion out of evil, to portray the Nazis as mechanical automatons carrying out the murder of the Jews from behind their desks with clinical, detached efficiency. Michael Kimmelman, writing in today's New York Times, notes that this isn't quite right.
Kimmelman focuses on the refusal of Germany's foreign intelligence agency, the Bundesnachrichtendienst, which was set up, partly at the behest of the United States, by former major-general Reinhard Gehlen after World War II to combat the Red menace, to release copious files—numbering around 4,000 pages—about Adolf Eichmann's life in Agentina until he was captured by the Mossad in 1960. The Eichmann trial, which Arendt attended and wrote about for the New Yorker, is the subject of a new book by the historian Deborah Lipstadt. The trial first brought the Holocaust, as an event, to public prominence in the sense that the murder of the Jews had not been widely recognized as being at the heart of the Nazi project to remake humanity.
Germany has confronted the Nazi past. But does it, as Kimmelman asks, want to take a hard look at the immediate postwar era, when numerous Nazis were reintegrated into society and government under chancellor Konrad Adenauer? A recent flap at the German Foreign Office over a notice praising a former Nazi who served as a diplomat in the postwar era suggests that it remains a contentious subject. The fact is that the German bureaucracy was filled with Nazis. Similarly, Austria made little attempt to expel Nazis from government service. On the contrary, Austria portrayed itself as a victim of German aggression—memories of the Vienna's Heldenplatz filled with cheering masses welcoming the Fuhrer back to his homeland in March 1938 were conveniently forgotten. The Austrian playwright Thomas Bernhard later wrote a work denouncing his countrymen with the simple title Heldenplatz.
Eichmann, like his Fuhrer, was an Austrian (as was the odious Dr. Kurt Waldheim, who ended up becoming United Nations Secretary General). It's commonly thought the Austrians were among the most zealous anti-Semites. One theory is that the closer you get to the Ukraine, the more virulent anti-Semitism becomes. Yet Arendt tried to portray Eichmann as a nobody, an empty cipher. It turns out, however, that this was bogus. Eichmann was proud of what he did. His only regret, he later reminisced to another Nazi in Argentina, was that he hadn't managed to prosecute his work—murdering Jews—more thoroughly. It's more evidence, if such evidence is really needed, that good and evil existed, and continue to exist, then as now.
Already the BND is moving to examine its own history. Eventually, the Eichmann files will have to be opened to historians as well. They will surely reveal that the government knew far more about Eichmann and his whereabouts than it let on. But in a Germany that appears to have gone psychologically off the rails, denouncing America for having perpetrated some kind of alleged war crime in killing Osama bin Laden, it might serve as a useful jolt of reality to examine more fully its own record.
Political correctness abounds in America. But sometimes it's OK to be politically correct. The code name Geronimo for the operation to take out Osama bin Laden is such a case. American Indians are protesting the use of the name Geronimo—and they are right to do so.
Geronimo was the leader of the Chiricahua Apache. He was a thorn in the side of the U.S. military, which did not exactly employ delicate methods in seeking to extrude American Indians from their native lands. It remains a sorry chapter in American history. There was no cogent reason to recall the ghosts of the past by calling Osama bin Laden "Geronimo." Wikipedia reminds us that Geronimo's skull and other artefacts were allegedly heisted by Yale's Skull and Bone Society. Geronimo himself converted to Christianity, but was expelled from the Dutch Reform Church for gambling, which makes him, all in all, a rather sympathetic figure. In short, he doesn't seem to have embodied anything like the fanaticism of bin Laden and his coterie. Quite the contrary. He surrendered when the U.S. Army cornered him.
So it's hardly surprising that native Americans are aggrieved at the misuse of his name. As the Tulsa World reports,
American Indians testifying at a U.S. Senate hearing took turns expressing shock Thursday at their own military's apparent decision to link the name of Geronimo, viewed not only as an iconic figure in their history but a role model for their youth, to the operation that took out Osama bin Laden.
Tex Hall, chairman of the Mandan, Hidatsa and Arikara Nation and the Great Plains Tribal Chairman's Association, said the incident must be
rectified. Suzan Shown Harjo, president of the Morning Star Institute, said Geronimo, who suffered many indignities during his lifetime, has been slurred once again by being compared to a terrorist.
Surely there were a host of other names that the Obama administration could have selected. The Fort Sill Apache Tribe in Oklahoma is requesting an apology from President Obama. It's too late to change the name. But Obama should indicate that it was a mistake to equate Geronimo with bin Laden.
Germany is on the front-lines of the battle against terror. It was in Hamburg that the 9/11 plotters hatched their plot. But Germany has also uncovered multiple plots over the years aimed at targets inside Germany. Its experience in combatting the Baader Meinhof gang has surely helped prepare Germany for stopping Islamic radicalism.
Surely it was reasonable, then, for Chancellor Angela Merkel to express her happiness at the death of Osama bin Laden. "I am glad that it was successful, the killing of bin Laden," she said. But for a broad spectrum of German elite opinion, as Der Spiegel reports, it apparently was an unreasonable thing to say. America violated international law, so the thinking goes. Bin Laden's death is no cause for celebration. About Merkel's fairly cautious remarks Siegfried Kauer, a member of the Christian Democratic Party, said, "I would not have formulated it in that way. Those are thoughts of revenge that one should not harbor. That is from the Middle Ages."
There, in a nutshell, is the German problem, an elevation of a simple expression of relief at the death of a fiendish cult leader who lured his followers to their death so that they could murder thosuands of innocents becomes a philosophical condundrum. From the Middle Ages? Hardly. What the broad unease, if not condemnations, of America (simply in reading the comments from many readers in newspapers such as Der Tagesspiegel it quickly becomes clear that they view America as a lawless, imperialist aggressor) reveal is a society pathologically committed to the notion that it is superior to the rest of the world by virtue of its refusal to become embroiled in the violent world outside its borders. This is a new version of the old German problem. Germany has embarked upon a new Sonderweg, or special path, that is marked by the inverse of what once distinguished it. As before, it is the intellectual elite that is propagating this vision.
Its origins, of course, rest in the post-World War II credo of abjuring military aggression. But it has now evolved into a stance of active superiority to its neighbors and America. The German tradition of innerlichkeit, or inwardness, has returned with a vengeance in the form of pacifism. To be sure, not everyone denounced Merkel. Foreign minister Guido Westerwelle, a member of the Free Democratic Party, noted that her remarks were understandable. He added, ""We must be careful, that we in the West—with understanding of the relief felt—do not send images into the world that could again lead to incitement or to the heroization of al-Qaeda."
What Westerwelle said makes sense. Contrary to the many pundits demanding the release of photos of bin Laden's death, President Obama probably got it right in refusing to release them. They could serve as pretext for Islamic radicals to launch new attacks on UN workers or American soldiers.
But it is troubling that, far from seeming to be relieved at the death of a murderous thug, many Germans have forgotten the true lesson of their own history. Should the world not have rejoiced at the death of Hitler, the greatest tyrant humanity has ever known? Instead, Germans, too many Germans, seem ready to condemn America for having killed bin Laden. Given that Germany was the epicenter of the 9/11 plot, you might think that it would be particularly overjoyed to hear that bin Laden is dead. It isn't. But Bin Laden's death is no cause for shame. Germany's disgraceful behavior is.