Blogs: The Skeptics

Denmark Lectures America on NATO

The Skeptics

Denmark is a shrimp in the European ocean. A pleasant place to live, it is a geopolitical nullity. No one much cares what the Danes think about the world because, they can’t do much to change it.

Of course, not unless they gain control of another nation’s military, most notably, that of the United States, the biggest whale around. The last NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, hailed from Denmark, which has 17,200 citizens under arms.

That position did not allow him to deploy the American military. But it did give him unusual influence over U.S. policy. (Rasmussen’s successor, Jens Stoltenberg, is from Norway, which is a little larger, spends a little more on the military, and has a few more citizens in uniform. But, fundamentally, it isn’t that much different from Denmark).

Even as the American people tire of paying the cost of solving other nations’ problems, shrimps are pushing the whale to stay the course. Politico recently interviewed Rasmussen, a former prime minister of Denmark. He sounded like an American neoconservative in promoting an “American-led world order”—at American expense, of course.

While Rasmussen claimed that he was not taking sides, his greatest fear appeared to be that Donald Trump might be elected and end Washington’s unique global role. “What is at stake here is the American role as the global superpower,” Rasmussen argued.

He agreed that Europeans should do more on behalf of their own defense. Rasmussen was hopeful that 2015 would be the nadir for military expenditures by NATO’s European members, but even he acknowledged that the rise “is very slow” and “of course we always wish for more.” However, he offered no strategy to make serious and permanent increases a reality.

Rather, Rasmussen was horrified by Trump’s suggestion that Washington might not defend those nations that did not do more to defend themselves. Rasmussen complained that it “would undercut the solidarity within the alliance.” Solidarity which, alas, is not evident when most European states consciously free ride off of Americans.

Rasmussen also was critical of Trump’s desire for better relations with Russia. Not that Denmark has any real interest in the issue. In a conflict the Danes would do little to defeat Moscow. Come the clash of armored divisions, air strikes on heavily defended targets, and exchange of nukes, Copenhagen likely wouldn’t be involved.

Rasmussen complained about the GOP platform change to eliminate a pledge for military aid to Kiev. He worried: “The West risks losing a democratic Ukraine by undermining our support for the country.” But when did “the West” gain Kiev, which is badly divided politically and culturally? Is the prospect of a “democratic Ukraine,” whatever that means in practice, worth war with Russia? And war fought by every NATO member, including Denmark, and not just Washington?

Of course, Rasmussen contended that it is “in America’s self-interest” to preserve “the international order.” But surely not only in America’s self-interest. How about the self-interest of Europe, which today can’t be bothered to spend much on its own defense, let alone for operations elsewhere?

Indeed, he argued, if “America were to disengage from Europe, then you would really risk Russia increasing her influence,” which would result in “a more hostile Europe.” Is the continent really that weak, inconstant, foolish, and self-destructive? Europe is vastly more capable than Russia—with ten times the GDP, three times the population, twice the military outlays, and greater political stability—and should be able to protect itself from whatever mischief Vladimir Putin plans.

Moreover, Europe is much freer and a far more attractive society. There is a reason Mideast refugees head for Europe, not Russia. America’s economic, political, and cultural ties would remain strong even if the United States no longer garrisoned the continent. If the Europeans are so unfaithful that their loyalty can be procured only by a promise to relieve them of the burden of defending themselves, Americans are better off leaving now.

Yet Rasmussen is prepared to be quite generous with U.S. lives. He criticizes Donald Trump’s “America first” slogan as being “out of touch with what is actually the role of the United States,” which is “the world’s leader.” As a superpower America “has special obligations. As the world’s only superpower, you cannot afford to say ‘America first.’” Really?

Rasmussen believes that Washington has “a special obligation to maintain the world order and promote peace.” Indeed, it is America’s “destiny” to lead. (I keep hearing Darth Vader in Star Wars telling Luke Skywalker that it is his destiny to join his father on the dark side of the Force.) If the United States does not act as a world leader, then “weaker powers will try to exercise their regional influence,” such as Russia, China and ISIS.

This sounds like the practiced gambit of a con man, who knows flattery is the surest means to success. At the end of World War Two, only the United States was able to bolster war-ravaged friends, uplift former foes and confront the Soviet Union. But that world disappeared in 1989, if not before. America’s populous and prosperous allies benefit equally if not even more than America from today’s international system. Collectively, they possess larger economies and populations than America. They can do much to “maintain the world order and promote peace,” and especially to constrain regional troublemakers.

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Hillary Clinton Could Easily Push America into Open Conflict with Russia

The Skeptics

Denmark is a shrimp in the European ocean. A pleasant place to live, it is a geopolitical nullity. No one much cares what the Danes think about the world because, they can’t do much to change it.

Of course, not unless they gain control of another nation’s military, most notably, that of the United States, the biggest whale around. The last NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, hailed from Denmark, which has 17,200 citizens under arms.

That position did not allow him to deploy the American military. But it did give him unusual influence over U.S. policy. (Rasmussen’s successor, Jens Stoltenberg, is from Norway, which is a little larger, spends a little more on the military, and has a few more citizens in uniform. But, fundamentally, it isn’t that much different from Denmark).

Even as the American people tire of paying the cost of solving other nations’ problems, shrimps are pushing the whale to stay the course. Politico recently interviewed Rasmussen, a former prime minister of Denmark. He sounded like an American neoconservative in promoting an “American-led world order”—at American expense, of course.

While Rasmussen claimed that he was not taking sides, his greatest fear appeared to be that Donald Trump might be elected and end Washington’s unique global role. “What is at stake here is the American role as the global superpower,” Rasmussen argued.

He agreed that Europeans should do more on behalf of their own defense. Rasmussen was hopeful that 2015 would be the nadir for military expenditures by NATO’s European members, but even he acknowledged that the rise “is very slow” and “of course we always wish for more.” However, he offered no strategy to make serious and permanent increases a reality.

Rather, Rasmussen was horrified by Trump’s suggestion that Washington might not defend those nations that did not do more to defend themselves. Rasmussen complained that it “would undercut the solidarity within the alliance.” Solidarity which, alas, is not evident when most European states consciously free ride off of Americans.

Rasmussen also was critical of Trump’s desire for better relations with Russia. Not that Denmark has any real interest in the issue. In a conflict the Danes would do little to defeat Moscow. Come the clash of armored divisions, air strikes on heavily defended targets, and exchange of nukes, Copenhagen likely wouldn’t be involved.

Rasmussen complained about the GOP platform change to eliminate a pledge for military aid to Kiev. He worried: “The West risks losing a democratic Ukraine by undermining our support for the country.” But when did “the West” gain Kiev, which is badly divided politically and culturally? Is the prospect of a “democratic Ukraine,” whatever that means in practice, worth war with Russia? And war fought by every NATO member, including Denmark, and not just Washington?

Of course, Rasmussen contended that it is “in America’s self-interest” to preserve “the international order.” But surely not only in America’s self-interest. How about the self-interest of Europe, which today can’t be bothered to spend much on its own defense, let alone for operations elsewhere?

Indeed, he argued, if “America were to disengage from Europe, then you would really risk Russia increasing her influence,” which would result in “a more hostile Europe.” Is the continent really that weak, inconstant, foolish, and self-destructive? Europe is vastly more capable than Russia—with ten times the GDP, three times the population, twice the military outlays, and greater political stability—and should be able to protect itself from whatever mischief Vladimir Putin plans.

Moreover, Europe is much freer and a far more attractive society. There is a reason Mideast refugees head for Europe, not Russia. America’s economic, political, and cultural ties would remain strong even if the United States no longer garrisoned the continent. If the Europeans are so unfaithful that their loyalty can be procured only by a promise to relieve them of the burden of defending themselves, Americans are better off leaving now.

Yet Rasmussen is prepared to be quite generous with U.S. lives. He criticizes Donald Trump’s “America first” slogan as being “out of touch with what is actually the role of the United States,” which is “the world’s leader.” As a superpower America “has special obligations. As the world’s only superpower, you cannot afford to say ‘America first.’” Really?

Rasmussen believes that Washington has “a special obligation to maintain the world order and promote peace.” Indeed, it is America’s “destiny” to lead. (I keep hearing Darth Vader in Star Wars telling Luke Skywalker that it is his destiny to join his father on the dark side of the Force.) If the United States does not act as a world leader, then “weaker powers will try to exercise their regional influence,” such as Russia, China and ISIS.

This sounds like the practiced gambit of a con man, who knows flattery is the surest means to success. At the end of World War Two, only the United States was able to bolster war-ravaged friends, uplift former foes and confront the Soviet Union. But that world disappeared in 1989, if not before. America’s populous and prosperous allies benefit equally if not even more than America from today’s international system. Collectively, they possess larger economies and populations than America. They can do much to “maintain the world order and promote peace,” and especially to constrain regional troublemakers.

Pages

Turkey's Failed Coup Offers an Opening to Iran

The Skeptics

Denmark is a shrimp in the European ocean. A pleasant place to live, it is a geopolitical nullity. No one much cares what the Danes think about the world because, they can’t do much to change it.

Of course, not unless they gain control of another nation’s military, most notably, that of the United States, the biggest whale around. The last NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, hailed from Denmark, which has 17,200 citizens under arms.

That position did not allow him to deploy the American military. But it did give him unusual influence over U.S. policy. (Rasmussen’s successor, Jens Stoltenberg, is from Norway, which is a little larger, spends a little more on the military, and has a few more citizens in uniform. But, fundamentally, it isn’t that much different from Denmark).

Even as the American people tire of paying the cost of solving other nations’ problems, shrimps are pushing the whale to stay the course. Politico recently interviewed Rasmussen, a former prime minister of Denmark. He sounded like an American neoconservative in promoting an “American-led world order”—at American expense, of course.

While Rasmussen claimed that he was not taking sides, his greatest fear appeared to be that Donald Trump might be elected and end Washington’s unique global role. “What is at stake here is the American role as the global superpower,” Rasmussen argued.

He agreed that Europeans should do more on behalf of their own defense. Rasmussen was hopeful that 2015 would be the nadir for military expenditures by NATO’s European members, but even he acknowledged that the rise “is very slow” and “of course we always wish for more.” However, he offered no strategy to make serious and permanent increases a reality.

Rather, Rasmussen was horrified by Trump’s suggestion that Washington might not defend those nations that did not do more to defend themselves. Rasmussen complained that it “would undercut the solidarity within the alliance.” Solidarity which, alas, is not evident when most European states consciously free ride off of Americans.

Rasmussen also was critical of Trump’s desire for better relations with Russia. Not that Denmark has any real interest in the issue. In a conflict the Danes would do little to defeat Moscow. Come the clash of armored divisions, air strikes on heavily defended targets, and exchange of nukes, Copenhagen likely wouldn’t be involved.

Rasmussen complained about the GOP platform change to eliminate a pledge for military aid to Kiev. He worried: “The West risks losing a democratic Ukraine by undermining our support for the country.” But when did “the West” gain Kiev, which is badly divided politically and culturally? Is the prospect of a “democratic Ukraine,” whatever that means in practice, worth war with Russia? And war fought by every NATO member, including Denmark, and not just Washington?

Of course, Rasmussen contended that it is “in America’s self-interest” to preserve “the international order.” But surely not only in America’s self-interest. How about the self-interest of Europe, which today can’t be bothered to spend much on its own defense, let alone for operations elsewhere?

Indeed, he argued, if “America were to disengage from Europe, then you would really risk Russia increasing her influence,” which would result in “a more hostile Europe.” Is the continent really that weak, inconstant, foolish, and self-destructive? Europe is vastly more capable than Russia—with ten times the GDP, three times the population, twice the military outlays, and greater political stability—and should be able to protect itself from whatever mischief Vladimir Putin plans.

Moreover, Europe is much freer and a far more attractive society. There is a reason Mideast refugees head for Europe, not Russia. America’s economic, political, and cultural ties would remain strong even if the United States no longer garrisoned the continent. If the Europeans are so unfaithful that their loyalty can be procured only by a promise to relieve them of the burden of defending themselves, Americans are better off leaving now.

Yet Rasmussen is prepared to be quite generous with U.S. lives. He criticizes Donald Trump’s “America first” slogan as being “out of touch with what is actually the role of the United States,” which is “the world’s leader.” As a superpower America “has special obligations. As the world’s only superpower, you cannot afford to say ‘America first.’” Really?

Rasmussen believes that Washington has “a special obligation to maintain the world order and promote peace.” Indeed, it is America’s “destiny” to lead. (I keep hearing Darth Vader in Star Wars telling Luke Skywalker that it is his destiny to join his father on the dark side of the Force.) If the United States does not act as a world leader, then “weaker powers will try to exercise their regional influence,” such as Russia, China and ISIS.

This sounds like the practiced gambit of a con man, who knows flattery is the surest means to success. At the end of World War Two, only the United States was able to bolster war-ravaged friends, uplift former foes and confront the Soviet Union. But that world disappeared in 1989, if not before. America’s populous and prosperous allies benefit equally if not even more than America from today’s international system. Collectively, they possess larger economies and populations than America. They can do much to “maintain the world order and promote peace,” and especially to constrain regional troublemakers.

Pages

What Hillary and Trump Should Learn from Ike and George Washington

The Skeptics

Denmark is a shrimp in the European ocean. A pleasant place to live, it is a geopolitical nullity. No one much cares what the Danes think about the world because, they can’t do much to change it.

Of course, not unless they gain control of another nation’s military, most notably, that of the United States, the biggest whale around. The last NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, hailed from Denmark, which has 17,200 citizens under arms.

That position did not allow him to deploy the American military. But it did give him unusual influence over U.S. policy. (Rasmussen’s successor, Jens Stoltenberg, is from Norway, which is a little larger, spends a little more on the military, and has a few more citizens in uniform. But, fundamentally, it isn’t that much different from Denmark).

Even as the American people tire of paying the cost of solving other nations’ problems, shrimps are pushing the whale to stay the course. Politico recently interviewed Rasmussen, a former prime minister of Denmark. He sounded like an American neoconservative in promoting an “American-led world order”—at American expense, of course.

While Rasmussen claimed that he was not taking sides, his greatest fear appeared to be that Donald Trump might be elected and end Washington’s unique global role. “What is at stake here is the American role as the global superpower,” Rasmussen argued.

He agreed that Europeans should do more on behalf of their own defense. Rasmussen was hopeful that 2015 would be the nadir for military expenditures by NATO’s European members, but even he acknowledged that the rise “is very slow” and “of course we always wish for more.” However, he offered no strategy to make serious and permanent increases a reality.

Rather, Rasmussen was horrified by Trump’s suggestion that Washington might not defend those nations that did not do more to defend themselves. Rasmussen complained that it “would undercut the solidarity within the alliance.” Solidarity which, alas, is not evident when most European states consciously free ride off of Americans.

Rasmussen also was critical of Trump’s desire for better relations with Russia. Not that Denmark has any real interest in the issue. In a conflict the Danes would do little to defeat Moscow. Come the clash of armored divisions, air strikes on heavily defended targets, and exchange of nukes, Copenhagen likely wouldn’t be involved.

Rasmussen complained about the GOP platform change to eliminate a pledge for military aid to Kiev. He worried: “The West risks losing a democratic Ukraine by undermining our support for the country.” But when did “the West” gain Kiev, which is badly divided politically and culturally? Is the prospect of a “democratic Ukraine,” whatever that means in practice, worth war with Russia? And war fought by every NATO member, including Denmark, and not just Washington?

Of course, Rasmussen contended that it is “in America’s self-interest” to preserve “the international order.” But surely not only in America’s self-interest. How about the self-interest of Europe, which today can’t be bothered to spend much on its own defense, let alone for operations elsewhere?

Indeed, he argued, if “America were to disengage from Europe, then you would really risk Russia increasing her influence,” which would result in “a more hostile Europe.” Is the continent really that weak, inconstant, foolish, and self-destructive? Europe is vastly more capable than Russia—with ten times the GDP, three times the population, twice the military outlays, and greater political stability—and should be able to protect itself from whatever mischief Vladimir Putin plans.

Moreover, Europe is much freer and a far more attractive society. There is a reason Mideast refugees head for Europe, not Russia. America’s economic, political, and cultural ties would remain strong even if the United States no longer garrisoned the continent. If the Europeans are so unfaithful that their loyalty can be procured only by a promise to relieve them of the burden of defending themselves, Americans are better off leaving now.

Yet Rasmussen is prepared to be quite generous with U.S. lives. He criticizes Donald Trump’s “America first” slogan as being “out of touch with what is actually the role of the United States,” which is “the world’s leader.” As a superpower America “has special obligations. As the world’s only superpower, you cannot afford to say ‘America first.’” Really?

Rasmussen believes that Washington has “a special obligation to maintain the world order and promote peace.” Indeed, it is America’s “destiny” to lead. (I keep hearing Darth Vader in Star Wars telling Luke Skywalker that it is his destiny to join his father on the dark side of the Force.) If the United States does not act as a world leader, then “weaker powers will try to exercise their regional influence,” such as Russia, China and ISIS.

This sounds like the practiced gambit of a con man, who knows flattery is the surest means to success. At the end of World War Two, only the United States was able to bolster war-ravaged friends, uplift former foes and confront the Soviet Union. But that world disappeared in 1989, if not before. America’s populous and prosperous allies benefit equally if not even more than America from today’s international system. Collectively, they possess larger economies and populations than America. They can do much to “maintain the world order and promote peace,” and especially to constrain regional troublemakers.

Pages

Donald Trump vs. the 'Blob'

The Skeptics

Denmark is a shrimp in the European ocean. A pleasant place to live, it is a geopolitical nullity. No one much cares what the Danes think about the world because, they can’t do much to change it.

Of course, not unless they gain control of another nation’s military, most notably, that of the United States, the biggest whale around. The last NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, hailed from Denmark, which has 17,200 citizens under arms.

That position did not allow him to deploy the American military. But it did give him unusual influence over U.S. policy. (Rasmussen’s successor, Jens Stoltenberg, is from Norway, which is a little larger, spends a little more on the military, and has a few more citizens in uniform. But, fundamentally, it isn’t that much different from Denmark).

Even as the American people tire of paying the cost of solving other nations’ problems, shrimps are pushing the whale to stay the course. Politico recently interviewed Rasmussen, a former prime minister of Denmark. He sounded like an American neoconservative in promoting an “American-led world order”—at American expense, of course.

While Rasmussen claimed that he was not taking sides, his greatest fear appeared to be that Donald Trump might be elected and end Washington’s unique global role. “What is at stake here is the American role as the global superpower,” Rasmussen argued.

He agreed that Europeans should do more on behalf of their own defense. Rasmussen was hopeful that 2015 would be the nadir for military expenditures by NATO’s European members, but even he acknowledged that the rise “is very slow” and “of course we always wish for more.” However, he offered no strategy to make serious and permanent increases a reality.

Rather, Rasmussen was horrified by Trump’s suggestion that Washington might not defend those nations that did not do more to defend themselves. Rasmussen complained that it “would undercut the solidarity within the alliance.” Solidarity which, alas, is not evident when most European states consciously free ride off of Americans.

Rasmussen also was critical of Trump’s desire for better relations with Russia. Not that Denmark has any real interest in the issue. In a conflict the Danes would do little to defeat Moscow. Come the clash of armored divisions, air strikes on heavily defended targets, and exchange of nukes, Copenhagen likely wouldn’t be involved.

Rasmussen complained about the GOP platform change to eliminate a pledge for military aid to Kiev. He worried: “The West risks losing a democratic Ukraine by undermining our support for the country.” But when did “the West” gain Kiev, which is badly divided politically and culturally? Is the prospect of a “democratic Ukraine,” whatever that means in practice, worth war with Russia? And war fought by every NATO member, including Denmark, and not just Washington?

Of course, Rasmussen contended that it is “in America’s self-interest” to preserve “the international order.” But surely not only in America’s self-interest. How about the self-interest of Europe, which today can’t be bothered to spend much on its own defense, let alone for operations elsewhere?

Indeed, he argued, if “America were to disengage from Europe, then you would really risk Russia increasing her influence,” which would result in “a more hostile Europe.” Is the continent really that weak, inconstant, foolish, and self-destructive? Europe is vastly more capable than Russia—with ten times the GDP, three times the population, twice the military outlays, and greater political stability—and should be able to protect itself from whatever mischief Vladimir Putin plans.

Moreover, Europe is much freer and a far more attractive society. There is a reason Mideast refugees head for Europe, not Russia. America’s economic, political, and cultural ties would remain strong even if the United States no longer garrisoned the continent. If the Europeans are so unfaithful that their loyalty can be procured only by a promise to relieve them of the burden of defending themselves, Americans are better off leaving now.

Yet Rasmussen is prepared to be quite generous with U.S. lives. He criticizes Donald Trump’s “America first” slogan as being “out of touch with what is actually the role of the United States,” which is “the world’s leader.” As a superpower America “has special obligations. As the world’s only superpower, you cannot afford to say ‘America first.’” Really?

Rasmussen believes that Washington has “a special obligation to maintain the world order and promote peace.” Indeed, it is America’s “destiny” to lead. (I keep hearing Darth Vader in Star Wars telling Luke Skywalker that it is his destiny to join his father on the dark side of the Force.) If the United States does not act as a world leader, then “weaker powers will try to exercise their regional influence,” such as Russia, China and ISIS.

This sounds like the practiced gambit of a con man, who knows flattery is the surest means to success. At the end of World War Two, only the United States was able to bolster war-ravaged friends, uplift former foes and confront the Soviet Union. But that world disappeared in 1989, if not before. America’s populous and prosperous allies benefit equally if not even more than America from today’s international system. Collectively, they possess larger economies and populations than America. They can do much to “maintain the world order and promote peace,” and especially to constrain regional troublemakers.

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