Al Shabaab and the New Threat We Face
The shocked and terrified faces of the survivors standing in a smoke-filled mall in Nairobi’s upscale shopping complex dramatized the high emotion in a shaken nation. Women clutched small children as gunshots had broken out. Some were crying. The perplexed expression of a boy, perhaps ten years old, resting in the arms of his stunned father, shocked by the mayhem, defined the reaction of Kenya and the world to the murderous September 2013 attack. The sixty-seven victims included President Uhuru Kenyatta’s nephew and Ghanaian poet Kofi Awoonor, shot dead in his car while preparing to leave.
A well-trained, disciplined, heavily armed team of Al Shabaab assailants sporting black bandanas with Arabic script showed discretion. Shouting, as Guardian reporter Daniel Howden has recounted, “Muslims, get out of here;” the terrorists targeted Christians. Howden exposed Kenya’s dysfunctional command-and-control structure, whose infighting between military and police prolonged the attack. Kenyans later learned the terrorists weren’t the only blight: store owners accused Kenya’s military of looting.
Al Shabaab’s attack came even as some had argued that African Union forces supported by four thousand Kenyan troops had the terrorist group on the run. French intelligence reportedly helped to interdict Somali crossborder incursions into Kenya. But the Westgate attackers were not all Somalis. That challenges optimists to reassess.
Al Shabaab suffered setbacks. In dislodging the group from the southern port city of Kismayo, Kenya’s military deprived it an important source of funding. One important diplomat in Africa said that this has left Al Shabaab desperate for funds and that may account for new intensity in the slaughter of African elephants and rhinos—a tragedy that U.S. Government neither comprehends nor shows sufficient will to stop. Criminal-terrorist networks are funding it to raise money through the sale of tusks and horns.
Plus internal strife has divided Al Shabaab. A dangerous extremist with close ties to Al Qaeda, Ahmed Abdi Godane, aka Sheik Mukhtar “Abu Zubeir,” has put himself in charge through his control of the Amniyat, Al Shabaab’s intelligence wing, commanded by a thug nicknamed Karate. Godane used it to jail Hassan Dahir Aweys (who escaped), and murder internal Al Shabaab rivals, including Ibraham Haji Jama al Afghani and Omar Hammami, aka Abu Mansur al Amriki. Hammami gained international visibility in messaging to Western audiences through his YouTube rap music videos conducted in English. Godane advocates global jihad. In February 2012, Godane had the group declare itself an affiliate to Al Qaeda and pledged formal allegiance to Ayman Zawahiri.
Godane, a poetry enthusiast, is impaired by cultural handicaps in Somalia. He lacks clan and tribal ties integral to flourishing in that society. For Westgate, he compensated by tapping into Al Qaeda networks for well-trained foreign fighters, including a Norwegian and possibly Britons. Kenyan authorities believe the attack was planned in Norway and Somalia. The organizational discipline was impressive. It indicated training, sound bases within Kenya, and local aiding and abetting.
Westgate yielded important lessons. First, global partnerships matter in defeating evolving terror networks. Besting the assailants required support from thirty or so vigilantes of Indian extraction who rushed to the scene from the surrounding neighborhood, British SAS, and Israeli commandos. Western myopia may dismiss groups like Al Shabaab as marginal. Ask how marginal its victims view its sting.
And Islamists are hardly the only actors who should worry us. The Mexican drug wars have taken perhaps 80,000 Mexican civilian lives since 2006. Former General Barry McCaffery has rightly called this a general war, as prior distinctions between terror and criminal networks blur and grow obsolete.