Don't Link Terror to Immigration Policy

Designing immigration and border-security regimes to stop terrorists is a bit like concreting over turnstiles to prevent fare evasion.

After 9/11, the words “immigration,” “border security” and “terrorism” were often linked in the same sentence. That was unfortunate.

In America, terrorism is a “retail” problem. Terrorists are a small percentage of any group: visitors from overseas, immigrants, All-Americans, criminals—you name it.

Border security and immigration are “wholesale” issues. They affect the movement and activities of tens of millions of people and billions of dollars of commerce. Designing immigration and border-security regimes to stop terrorists is a bit like concreting over turnstiles to prevent fare evasion.

Tools for Terror

Fortunately, after 9/11 antiterrorism measures did relatively little violence to our immigration and border-security regimes. Following its initial, highly publicized best seller, the 9/11 Commission came out with a sequel. This far less publicized report assessed the capacity of bad people to move freely between countries and proposed key countermeasures to control “terrorist travel.”

That led to sensible activities such as better vetting and management of terrorist watch lists. Thanks to that upgrade, authorities were able to track down the Times Square Bomber in real time.

No, the watch lists didn’t prevent the Boston Bombers from executing their plot. But that’s not what the lists are intended to do. They are for monitoring or blocking terrorist travel on international or domestic flights. Tools like watch lists can help stop an attack, but only if the terrorists are the subject of an ongoing investigation before the terrorist act.

When terrorists are homegrown and acting in their hometown, border and immigration measures can be of only incidental use as well. What have proved to be the most effective tools are proactive intelligence, monitoring, information-sharing and investigations that uncover plots before they leave casualities. At least fifty-four Islamist-related plots have been thwarted since 9/11. Three of them were stopped by luck. The others were stopped by collaring the bad guys before they could attack.

It will take a careful assessment of what federal, state and local law enforcement knew about the boys from Boston before anyone can determine if clues were missed that should reasonably have led to serious counterterrorism investigation before the marathon. If mistakes were made, they must be corrected fast, because good counterterrorism operations are the single most powerful and important tool for preventing more Bostons.

The United States cannot afford a timeout in fighting terrorism on the home front. In addition to “homegrown” threats, Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran’s Quds Force have active networks that span the continent. Al Qaeda and its affiliates are still trying to get here or inspire others to do their killing for them.

Back to the Border

Border-security and immigration policies may only marginally inconvenience global terrorism. Still, the United States has poured more than a little money into revamping immigration, nonimmigrant visas, and border security since 9/11. That has less to do with terrorism than the fact that our southern border is broken and our immigration and nonimmigration policies and programs are deeply flawed.

There is a reason, for example, why the U.S. spends way more money and resources on the border with Mexico than it does with Canada—and it has little to do with terrorism. A senior government official once told me that the U.S. turns back many times more individuals on the terrorist watch list trying to enter the country from Canada than it does from Mexico. What we are really worried about is that the U.S. southern border is just a road bump for transnational crime that includes the illicit movement of people, drugs, money and guns.

Meanwhile, our immigration system fails on many counts. It has not stemmed the tide of unlawful immigration. It doesn’t serve the 4.4 million waiting in line (some of them for over a decade) to enter the country legally. It doesn’t get employers the workers they need them to run their businesses and grow the economy. It doesn’t extend our best visa privileges to deserving friends and allies like Poland and Chile. The list of complaints goes on.

The reality is that long before the Gang of Eight—indeed, long before 9/11—security-driven attempts to mend our broken borders have often been at cross purposes with Washington’s confused, lackadaisical immigration policies.

Legacy of Failure

Arguably our most recent problems started with Lyndon Johnson’s immigration “reforms” of 1965. Hitting at the same time as Johnson’s “war on poverty,” these reforms dumped more immigrants into a poverty-prolonging dependency on welfare. This was followed by a wave of unlawful migration from Mexico.

In 1986, Washington came up with a silver-bullet solution so simple, both liberals and conservatives could love it. It was a magic formula—grant amnesty, create temporary-worker programs, enforce immigration and workplace laws, and beef up border security—and Ronald Reagan signed it into law. But, in the real world, amnesty came first, and it overwhelmed the imperfect and sometimes nonexistent attempts at implementing the other initiatives.

Throughout the 1990s, for example, the United States actually spent increasing amounts on border security. Perversely, this wound up contributing to the growth of the unlawful population. Since it was harder to get in (and out), migrants stayed in this country instead of going back to Mexico after working a few months, as they had in the past.

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