The Real Recep Tayyip Erdogan

Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been something of a rockstar not only in the Middle East but also in New York. His recent trip to the U.N. General Assembly was marked by high-profile interviews with Fareed Zakaria and Charlie Rose as well as by numerous articles proclaiming him the man of the hour and Turkey a new power, no longer dependent on the West and with its own agenda.

Erdogan has transformed Turkey in a way that no other leader has since Ataturk. The country is more dynamic, democratic and freer than it has ever been. Turkey’s vast economic growth has enabled it to again become a significant international player. He has particularly re-engaged with the Middle East and elevated Turkey as a model for the area. His activism and his anti-Israel stance are immensely popular domestically and in most Middle East countries. By all accounts Mr. Obama sees Erodgan as a constructive partner, speaks with him frequently by phone and seeks his views on the region.

Given all this, deciphering Erdogan’s worldview is increasingly important. Many in and outside of Turkey are concerned about how much his dedication to Islam drives his actions in the Middle East. A penchant for emotional, personalistic rhetoric has sometimes clouded the “principles” of liberty and democracy that Erdogan says guide him. Some, less charitably, say he drones on ad hoc on all sorts of issues, often conveniently forgetting his previous stances. His selective application of principles on both international and domestic issues has left many asking: Who is the real Erdogan? Here we seek to probe that question.

Islam and Justice

Erdogan, who grew up in Turkey’s Islamic political parties, was shaped by his personal and political roots in Islam. He sees the world as controlled by the non-Muslim West, which continually and systematically mistreats Muslim countries. He sees Israel dominating its Muslim neighbors while receiving special treatment from the West. Meanwhile, Muslim countries such as Sudan and Iran are sanctioned and isolated for the same behavior. Principal actors in this unjust system are the UN and the Security Council because they enable Israel to maintain military and nuclear superiority over its Muslim neighbors. As the leader of a democratic and economically successful Muslim state, Erdogan sees himself as the voice of an oppressed Muslim constituency that includes the peoples of the Middle East, most importantly the Palestinians, and increasingly the Muslims of Africa. Erdogan frequently identifies justice as his guiding principle, with Islam often the primary factor in his evaluation of justice and victimization.

The Palestinians in Gaza are ground zero of Erdogan’s unjust world. Israel cruelly oppresses them without consequences. The small number of rockets from Gaza hitting Israel are irrelevant to Erdogan compared to Palestinian casualties generated by Israel. Israel is able to maintain its superiority because of the double standards of the United States and other Western countries. The Security Council’s silence on Israel’s weapons of mass destruction while Muslim Iran is sanctioned because of its nuclear program (which Erdogan continues to defend as peaceful) is a primary indicator of that biased view.

Turkey has supported the U.S. war in Afghanistan and broader U.S. efforts against terrorism. However, Erdogan’s rubric for determining what constitutes terrorism or war crimes is heavily influenced by his view of Islam. If a leader is Muslim, then he “cannot commit genocide” because Islam forbids murder; such was Erdogan’s defense of Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir for his massive destruction of Darfur, many of whose people were not Muslims. Likewise, if an Islamic group like Hamas is fighting Israel, that group can be called “freedom fighters.” However, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), whose members come from Muslim Kurdish families, should be labeled terrorists (as they are by most Western countries) and cannot be Islamic because they are also killing civilians and fighting the democratic Turkish state. This he distinguishes from organizations like al-Qaeda and the Taliban that claim to be Islamic but commit acts of terrorism. With the notable exceptions of Bashir and Hamas, Erdogan’s rubric has not put him in direct conflict with the U.S. policy on terrorism.

Erdogan’s focal point is where Islam, democracy and secularism intersect—as, for example, in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, where efforts are being made to form new governments. As a messenger for Islam’s compatibility with democratic values, Erdogan sought to fill a gap in discussions over the Middle East’s future. In Cairo, he made the case for secular government, how a religious man can lead a secular democracy and not sacrifice his religiosity or the secular nature of the state. Erdogan is putting his brand of Islam and democracy front and center.

Solipsism

Erdogan’s ascendance in Turkey has been mirrored by a new narrative in which he has become the focus of policy. He speaks of his emotions and personal relationships as key determinants in Turkey’s orientation toward other countries. Regarding Syria, Erdogan explains that Assad no longer has a place in his heart and that his “patience” for Assad’s violence against his citizens has ended. This, coupled with a trip to a Syrian refugee camp, is often cited as the reason for Turkey’s changed stance. Turkey and Syria had developed close economic and political ties under Erdogan’s leadership. Concentrating on his feelings toward Assad rather than Turkey’s strategic and economic interests, Erdogan puts himself forward as the embodiment of Turkey

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precaf (not verified) (October 19, 2011 - 8:51am)

Morton Abramowitz was the U.S. Ambassador under George Bush the First from 1989-1991, a period that did not include Erdogan. In fact, when Abramowitz was Turkey's ambassador, Erdogan was fresh from a career as a semi-pro soccer star and was not yet the mayor of Istanbul. Abramowitz says that Erodogan gives a free pass to Islamist violence everywhere because, he says, Muslims cannot commit abuses. He writes, "Likewise, if an Islamic group like Hamas is fighting Israel, that group can be called 'freedom fighters.'" But Erdogan has no great love for the Wahabbists or Syria, and has criticized their murder and repression, so Abramowitz is speaking out of his tuckus. And in any normal universe, a freedom fighter would be called a freedom fighter. Many nations (besides Israel and the former colonial powers who dominate the UN Security Council) regard the struggle of Palestinians, including Hamas, against the occupation to be just. As do I. Abramowitz sums up Erdogan as "combustible" and an "unpredictable ally." Turkey has been a rather faithful US and NATO ally for a generation, but was told to shut up and sit in the back of the bus when it proposed a fuel swapping scheme (originally a US idea) to allay concerns about the Iranian nuclear program. It was told in no uncertain terms that the American "special relationship" with Israel superceded its longstanding relationship with Washington. It was greeted with deafening silence by the US when it complained about Israel's murder of 8 Turkish (and one American) flotilla activist. Its goal of joining the EU has been constantly rejected on cultural grounds by European nations who say bluntly that Turkey is not a Christian nation. And the outdated system at the UN by which colonial powers have more influence than rising nations like Turkey and Brazil is frequently abused by the US, particularly to advantage Israel, which is not even a NATO ally. In reality, it's the US which is the unpredictable, downright fickle, ally. 

cuneyt (October 19, 2011 - 6:47pm)

another jewish author taking a cheap shot at turkey through erdogan. these things make secular turks like me go crazy and subconsciously believe what the conservative turks have been long talking about. at least one jewish american from each US media outlet has declared a crusade against turkey, and secular or not we hate that. they pose as americans, but they are not.

objective (October 19, 2011 - 9:25pm)

Obviously, Mr. Abramowitz forgets the reality that Somalia had not experienced such a severe famine until last summer. If the aids carried out by the West were sufficient, people would not have died from starvation. Therefore, in his analysis, Mr. Abramowitz should evaluate the circumstances accurately without his any bias. Secondly, Mr. Abramowitz underlines Erdogan’s “solipsism”. In the case of Somalia, however, he disregards the strong public interest in Turkey to the catastrophe in Somalia. It is this commendable interest which culminated in over $300 million donation by Turkish public. Therefore, considering Somalia, one should not ignore the strong backup of Turkish public and should see that Erdogan’s calls for Somalia are in a sense the reflections of public sensitiveness. Moreover, it is striking that whereas Mr. Abramowitz underscores Erdoğan’s Islamist identity, he disregards an expected interest of a regular Muslim to those people who starve. His two years residence in Turkey notwithstanding, this in fact displays that Abramowitz is devoid of knowledge regarding the Turkish senses particularly in the Ramadan month. Consequently, Abramowitz fails to establish a connection between domestic politics and foreign policy in a democratic country as well as to evaluate the circumstances accurately. 

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