China has built infrastructure across the Arab world that could facilitate an economic revolution to match ongoing social movements. But that's hardly been the case.
After revolutions—largely provoked by economic injustice—Arab economies still rely on tourism, oil and foreign aid, even if members of the Arab diaspora are keen to bring international industry to their homelands. The Arab world must reach out to its communities abroad. That's what China did in the early 1980s, and now it owns a mint in U.S. debt.
A Tunisian American with a plan
After Tunisia's Jasmine Revolution last year, a Tunisian American eBay executive contacted his homeland's interim leaders with a plan to revolutionize the economy. Sami Ben Romdhane wanted to turn start a “Tunisian Silicon Valley,” a regional hotbed for IT innovation.
“We have the skill set and a lot of young people who have graduated with degrees in IT. We have the brainware,” Ben Romdhane said of generation that orchestrated a revolution with Facebook and Twitter.
“I talked to the minister of employment, before [Islamist political party Ennahda] came to power. We had very good discussions about what we can do,” Ben Romdhane said. But since Ennahda's rise, it has declined to engage Ben Romdhane. Tunisia's nascent IT revolution has stalled. Ben Romdhane says Ennahda has failed to address “the demands of the revolution: integrating young people, letting them become entrepreneurs and make jobs.”
Meanwhile, Tunis lauds a marginal boost in tourism this year as a sign the postrevolutionary economy is returning to 2010 figures—back to Ben Ali and an economic model that famously failed to put bread on the table for many Tunisians.
But Tunisia's unemployment rate continues to hover around 20 percent after a revolution spurred by the self-immolation of unemployed twenty-six-year-old Mohamed Bouazizi. Like many analysts from the region, Ben Romdhane says the economic impasses Tunisia and other Arab nations face are due to “political instability.”
Who would invest in such a volatile atmosphere? Who invested in China after the tumult of the 1970s cost the country a great deal in human capital? Expatriate business interests such as Ben Romdhane, capable of the kind of foreign direct investment and expertise that initially moved China from chaos into modernity.
At the onset of the opening up and reform in the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping looked to the only people who would invest money and expertise into bringing industry to the People's Republic, despite the risk.
“When China initially opened in 1979, it did not know how to connect with the rest of the world and people outside China did not know how to deal with Chinese either, because of the long-time isolation,” said professor at the Hong Kong University School of Business Eric C. Chang.
“Deng Xiaoping met many overseas Chinese, including business people and scientists, encouraging them to go back to China and to help play a role model to attract foreigners to come,” Chang added, “They had relatives in China. They had the passion for China. Therefore, they were willing to take the risk.”
“In the initial years, overseas Chinese were the major forces that drove the businesses,” Chang said, explaining that overseas Chinese acted as ambassadors to Western enterprises.
Deng oversaw the creation of eighteen hypercapitalist “special economic zones” in the 1980s in coastal provinces, where industrial manufacture could easily be brought to port for sale on the international market. Incentives like preferential tax exemptions welcomed overseas business interests to invest in the new Chinese industry that blossomed there.
The results for the Chinese ancestral homeland were, as we know, monumental. Between 1979 and 2005, the number of Chinese living below the poverty line dropped by roughly 70 percent, according to the World Bank.
East meets Middle East
It's time to envision an Arab special economic zone—a space, concrete or abstract, where Arabs can welcome international interests to bring innovative industry to the region. For all of China's political scandals, corruption and demonization, the Chinese model offers the Arab world a path out of its postconflict economic slump.