Does a Two-State Solution Still Exist?

An Israeli soldier fires a weapon during clashes with Palestinian protesters following a protest against the near-by Jewish settlement of Qadomem, in the West Bank village of Kofr Qadom near Nablus August 25, 2017. REUTERS/Mohamad Torokman

The Arab Spring caused dramatic changes and created new regional realities.

There is no two-state solution or one-state solution nor any kind of solution at the present time. What we do have is Palestinian-Israeli status quo that has been sloping downward for decades. Instead of peace, we have a peace process; instead of solutions, we have diminishing prospects of solutions. Barring an intervention, this trajectory will slide till there is no process and no solution.

There is a history behind the one-state and two-state solutions.

When the Palestine Liberation Organization was established in 1964, it called for a democratic state of Palestine for all people in the historic land of Palestine. That one-state-solution policy survived the 1967 war, Khartoum Declaration, Black September, the 1973 war, Palestinian militant hegemony over Lebanon, Palestinian-Israeli open wars, PLO conflicts with Syria, its expulsion from Lebanon to Tunisia and its remote control over the Intifada. Harsh reality forced the PLO to accept a two-state solution when it proclaimed the Palestinian Declaration of Independence in Algeria in 1988. This opened the door for Oslo and its move to the West Bank and Gaza in 1993. Acceptance of two-state solution was the ultimate Palestinian concession. Just for the record, Nasser had accepted the same by accepting the Rogers Plan in July 1970.

Those now calling for a one-state solution have deleted all that history. Besides, a one-state solution is unachievable without the consent of Israel and all its global allies.

A one-state solution sounds good. It is gratifying, like a pleasant dream. It comprises lofty concepts of justice, equality, universal values and peace. But it is disconnected from the realities of power and the disparities of knowledge, skills and means between both parties. It is innocent of the need to overcome military, economic, cultural, religious, educational and technological disparities between the parties to achieve stability. It is heedless of the lessons of civil wars and Jim Crow laws that deprived minorities of equality. It dismisses Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli national narratives and their respective quests to live in their own states, to normalize their relations with their people, neighbors, the region and the world. The aspirational goal of illusory equality in a one-state means an abdication of the Palestinians’ political right to a state.

What About Two States?

Let us acknowledge forthrightly that there are major actors on all sides who benefit from the status-quo and its trajectory. They have used and will use any means to keep it.

Not a single “Final Status Issue” has been resolved after decades of negotiations. In the meantime, Palestinian land available for a state shrinks relentlessly.

The Palestinian president elected for a four-year term in 2005 is serving his thirteenth year in office. The Legislative Council elected in 2006 has not convened for a decade and is split between the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinian Authority (PA) whose writ barely reaches a few cities is dependent on foreign aid. It runs a dysfunctional, underfunded bureaucracy whose most efficient department is the security apparatus that coordinates with Israel and the United States. Health, education, energy, transportation and legal systems are all underfunded and mismanaged. The Palestinian economy is in tatters as is its political freedom, freedom of speech, human rights and cultural life. Israeli-issued VIP cards define the Palestinian elite. The PA makes annual trips to the UN to provide legitimizing photos and fiery speeches, to repeat the obligatory “Palestinian Constants” regarding Jerusalem, borders, refugees and Right of Return. The PA keeps threatening to withhold security cooperation with Israel and to dissolve itself. Donors keep the PA afloat.

For a decade, Hamas ruled an independent polity in besieged and impoverished Gaza. It scrambles for handouts from donor countries seeking to own a piece of Palestine or the cause of Palestine. Hamas lacks the ability to deliver either peace or desperately needed services. Prospects for a Palestinian-Palestinian reconciliation are conditioned upon wishes of outside sponsors. Only Arabs can save Gaza from its unsustainable status.

Israel too is a divided polity. Its reelected prime minister has served for almost a decade. He has shifted policy to the right and expanded settlements, which no political force has been able to stop.

Israel is a military powerhouse whose economy has never been better. It has flourishing industry, trade, education, services, scientific and technological advances. It boasts a social, cultural and artistic boon, and improved foreign relations have recently expanded in the region. But Israel has ethnic, religious, economic and social issues. Its deviations from universal liberal western values of equality have impacted its image.

Normalization is a two-way street. There is nothing normal about life under occupation. Occupation permeates all aspects of private and public Palestinian lives with an arbitrariness that interrupts people’s plans and functions. It is the absence of elemental freedom. Palestinians are starved for a normalization they call “ending the occupation.”

Israelis too seek normalization. Israel has a public need, a state need, a political need and a psychological need to live in security and safety—free of terror attacks and free from the stigma of occupation, boycott or exclusion.

The two-state solution offers all of that. The world has not come up with a workable alternative to it, and the world is also no closer to two-states than it was in 1993.

Obstacles In the Way of a Two-State Solution are Formidable

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