Jordan's Urgent Need to Reform
During Jordan’s Army Day ceremony commemorating the Great Arab Revolt at the beginning of June, King Abdullah II incited debate in Jordanian media when he unveiled not the country’s official flag, but a crimson banner bearing the Islamic declaration of faith, blessings and seven-point star. This flag, a centuries-old Hashemite banner, was presented by the Royal Court to signify Jordanian “freedom, unity, independence and the rejection of violence, terrorism and extremism.” While this narrative may emphasize Jordanian unity amid tumult in its neighborhood, it tacitly admits the palace’s growing fears of domestic insecurity.
Jordan depends on foreign aid and remittances to maintain fuel and food subsidies, public services, and economic controls necessary for the preclusion of popular unrest. Any decreases in this external assistance jeopardize the tenability of the political system. State overreach has crowded out the growth of a viable and independent private sector, hindering opportunities for job creation. The monarchy’s long-standing social contract—the government provides Jordanian tribes and local business elites with public sector employment, financial support, and other forms of patronage (wasta) in exchange for loyalty to the regime—has faced heavy pressure from Palestinians, who constitute over half of Jordan’s population but are confined to the private sector. At the same time, Jordanians have perceived neoliberal economic reforms, designed to reduce the state’s role in the economy, as threats to their economic security and signs of government abandonment.
Institutional and legal reform is needed in Jordan, yet the measures put in place by the King in the wake of the Arab Spring—increased subsidies, dismissal of the cabinet, and a National Dialogue Committee for recommending reforms—were only temporary and cosmetic fixes that do not adequately address the country’s key power structures. King Abdullah II recognizes the necessity of reform for long-term political survival, but appears unwilling to take the political risk. He has blamed “inside” forces, mainly tribal “dinosaurs” and his “problematic” mukhabarat, for flouting his repeated calls for new election and political party laws and anti-corruption measures, despite the fact that the King possesses nearly absolute power vis-à-vis the Parliament. On the international level, wars in Syria and Iraq and the spread of extremism throughout the region have led the palace to pursue a “security first” policy.
Despite the temptation to prioritize short-term survival ahead of long-term structural changes, the monarchy should not delay needed reforms in the name of national security, nor should it wait for renewed public pressure to force the government’s hand. The government should not consider security and reform as mutually exclusive objectives, but as complementary tools for bridging a widening gap between the state and street, and stemming the growth of jihadist groups in Iraq and Syria. Ongoing bloodshed in Syria has deterred Jordanians from renewing protests, which gives the sovereign time and breathing room to inaugurate politically risky reforms.
Moreover, a survey conducted in February 2015 by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan found that 74 percent of Jordanians believe that their country is “generally going in the right direction,” up from 51 percent in December 2014, while 74 percent believe that the government has been able to carry out its responsibilities and 89 percent consider Jordan’s security situation “good.” These results, collected after ISIS’s immolation of Jordanian pilot Muath al-Kasasbeh, indicate that Jordanians have a relatively high level of faith in the government despite economic and social grievances. The monarchy should take advantage of this support in pursuing the first steps in what is bound to be a painstaking and intensive process.