Why the "Check Your Privilege" Crowd Won't Win
It’s been a wonderful year for radicalism in America. From the university system to the press to the office, extremists have successfully shifted the discussion in their favor. There’s a concept in political theory called the Overton Window—a narrow range, within the broad spectrum of possible policies, that is considered politically acceptable. For example, in dealing with crime, few people listen to those who call for the abolition of prisons or to those who might want martial law. They’re on opposite ends of the spectrum, but both are outside the window. Stop-and-frisk searches and sentencing reform are on opposite sides, too, but within the window. One might also apply the Overton Window concept to public opinion and not just government policy. And this is where the extremists have won such great victories. They’ve been fighting at both edges of the window, and they’ve successfully moved both edges to the left.
Their work on the right edge of the spectrum has drawn the most headlines. This year’s college graduation season has seen hardline activists push out a broad range of commencement speakers whose politics they objected to, from conservatives like Condoleezza Rice and Christine Lagarde (the latter only a conservative in the squishy European sense) to liberal figures like former University of California, Berkeley chancellor Robert J. Birgenau. They successfully agitated for the firing of a well-respected tech sector CEO whose traditional religious views had led him to support a 2008 ballot initiative against gay marriage—well inside the window, as the ballot initiative eventually won a four-and-a-half-point majority in a high-turnout election in America’s most populous state. Radicals even got a prominent video-game developer fired for saying that disgraced Los Angeles Clippers owner Donald Sterling “has the right as an American to be an old bigot in the security of his own home.”
But the radicals have been pushing against the left edge of America’s Overton Window, too. In recent months, “critical theory” concepts have been seeping into American public discourse in an unprecedented way. What are these concepts? Their intellectual lineage goes back to Karl Marx. Marx saw economic structures as the real root of human suffering, and thought that political systems and such merely reflected economic power. Some of Marx’s successors saw the power of his analytical methods but thought his focus on economics was misplaced, suggesting that our ideas about our society are the real root of social evil. Thus critical theory was born. But while the economic Marxists had a clear program (Communism) to put their critique into action, the “cultural Marxists” did not. And so critique became their program. They would undermine the legitimacy of every human inequality—and they saw inequality (“privilege”) everywhere. The most famous essay of this genre suggests that “flesh-colored” bandages help “confer dominance.” Others have found supremacist undertones lurking in peanut-butter sandwiches and blamed sexism for school shootings.
And this frame of mind is spreading.
Check out this chart from Google Trends, measuring popular interest from January 2011 to the present in critical-theory buzzwords like “cis privilege” (referring to the social benefits of not being transgender), “thin privilege” (referring to the social benefits of not being fat), “white privilege” (the social benefits of being perceived as white), and “check your privilege” (the admonition that someone should reconsider their opinions on the grounds that they enjoy too much privilege):
There’s been a surge of attention. Phrases like these once only appeared in Gender Studies term papers. Now they’re in the mouths of opinion-shapers and all over the pages of elite magazines. And when a mere Princeton freshman publicly disagreed with this mode of analysis in an essay in TIME magazine, pillorying him became an urgent public concern. Gawker and Newsweek even launched investigations into how he was published and the financial backing of the small college outlet that originally ran the essay.