The administration wants the rebels strong enough to survive and weak enough to negotiate. It's not working.
A look at the evolution of U.S. public opinion on engagement abroad.
The White House's decision to seek congressional approval to strike Syria is unlikely to mark a rollback of presidential authority regarding military force.
Failure of the UN chemical-disarmament plan could put Obama on the warpath again—and Congress might not be consulted.
Most of the big moves Obama announced at the UN will require Congressional approval, so the fiscal battles are an evil omen.
Washington opposes both Assad and jihad in Syria. So does the PYD.
It's more than just a civil war. Why is Assad doing it?
Leon Panetta and Robert Gates' attack on their former boss's Syria policy was poor form.
The disgraced Syria specialist moves to Capitol Hill.
The president uses responsibility-to-protect rhetoric on Syria, but doesn't connect it to protecting people.
Those who ignore Russia's internal worries won't understand its Syria policy—or spot a common ground.
An executive checked by a legislature sends a stronger message to the Arab world than bombs.
Everyone is free to criticize anyone else's position or recommendations, but the incumbent president is the only one who has to come up with a real policy and try to make it work.
With Western intervention on hold, it's time for yet another reversal.
Getting rid of the chemical weapons is unlikely, but diplomacy could unjam frozen gears in other areas.
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