NI Online's Continuing Russia Coverage

December 12, 2007 Topic: Domestic PoliticsElectionsPolitics Region: RussiaEurasia

NI Online's Continuing Russia Coverage

Six Russia-watchers weigh in on the Russian elections, the internal state of the country, and Vladimir Putin's nomination of a successor.

Limonov, who has called for the use of "Serbian tactics" to regain regions of the former Soviet Union with large Russian populations, is much more than an "accidental ally" of these liberals, as reported in the American press. He approached the group that spawned "Another Russia", the "Committee 2008: Free Choice", soon after it was established in March 2004, to recommend the expertise of his "fighters"-expertise like brandishing a fake grenade to occupy St. Peter's Church in Riga, Latvia, for which several NBP members served jail time. Limonov himself was convicted of illegal arms purchases in April 2001 and served two years in jail, before being released on parole.


So bad is Limonov that even the pugnacious leader of the far left "Working Russia", Viktor Anpilov, himself no stranger to confrontations with authorities, eventually could no longer stomach being part of "Another Russia." Its political agenda, he said, had become "basically to get out into the streets and brawl."

In American politics this sort of coalition would be as unthinkable as Al Gore and Bill Richardson forging an alliance with American chess legend Bobby Fischer and ex-Klansman David Duke. In the bizarre world of Russian opposition politics, however, Limonov, who was once labeled an extremist in the Wall Street Journal, has become a steadfast comrade-in-arms of Kasparov, now a contributing editor to the same newspaper!

While several former allies, including Yavlinksy and Kasyanov, have parted company with Another Russia, others like Kasparov, Ryzhkov and Nemtsov continue to justify this alliance as necessary to circumvent the Kremlin's control of the media.

But it is hard to believe that there are very many people in Russia who don't know what the opposition stands for. For one thing, more than a quarter of the population have regular access to the Internet, whose Russia domain remains totally politically unfiltered and heavily saturated with criticism of President Putin. 13 percent of the populace (twice that many in Moscow and St. Petersburg) even say that the Internet is their main source of information.

Moreover, even before the current election season, media surveys showed that the two leading liberal parties, Union of Right Forces (SPS in Russian) and Yabloko, received significant national television coverage. In 2005 they accounted for 23.8 percent of all times that political parties were mentioned on the country's seven major TV channels, while in 2006 this figure was only 14 percent. If this seems low, consider that it is far more than both parties combined have ever achieved in national elections.

When surveyed last year, by a nearly four to one margin Russians said that opposition parties were able to freely express their views on national television and in national newspapers. Even 56 percent of Communist Party voters agreed! None of this even takes account that during the past month-the official campaign season-each party running for the Duma received three hours of prime national television air time, and that the televised party debates, in which all parties except United Russia chose to take part, were watched by about the same percentage of people that watched the final U.S. presidential debates in 2000.

So while Kasparov contends that the only reason that the Russian people shun the liberal opposition is because of the regime's control over the media, Grigory Yavlinksy is probably much closer to the truth when he told a reporter that his liberal party Yabloko already has 97 percent name recognition. The problem is not that the opposition cannot get its message out to the Russian public. The problem is that the messengers have completely alienated their natural constituency: Russia's rapidly growing middle class.

Consider what a middle class voter would do if faced with the following choice: to support a political movement that unites a former chess champion with links to American neocons and whose family resides overseas; a former prime minister, popularly nicknamed "Misha 2 percent" for allegedly taking that much in kickbacks while in office; and an ex-punk rocker, released from prison just a few years ago, who vows to restore the Russian empire by any means necessary. The sum total of their political agenda: "A Russia without Putin!"

Or, to support the party of the current president, which has pledged to continue the policies that have already increased wages from $81 per month to $550 per month, dramatically increased social spending and reduced poverty from 27 percent to 15 percent. As any pollster will tell you, this is a "no-brainer."

But why run a campaign against the interests of the middle class? Perhaps some Russian liberals are just not aware of how much the country has improved economically. Earlier this year, Grigory Yavlinsky boasted to a reporter that he hardly reads the press anymore

("I have aides to do that") and hasn't watched Russian television in four or five years!

But these are minor public relations gaffes in comparison to the ill-concealed contempt for the Russian people to whom, ostensibly, they are appealing for support. As Boris Berezovsky, who claims to be funding the opposition from his exile in London, puts it: "The problem is that, for centuries, the Russian authorities have been violating the Russian people, turning it into cattle."

This bovine image of the Russian electorate is a favorite among the country's liberal elite. From Yuri Afanasyev's comment in 1991 that: "Many of our people seem reduced to a condition resembling that of cattle and, what is more frightening, they do not ask to live any other way", to the outrageous statements by former Deputy Prime Minister Alfred Kokh that Russians are incapable of earning money and "can't make anything new" (Kokh, by the way, then became the manager of the Union of Right Forces' 2003 Duma campaign). Cattle, obviously, need cattle herders, of which there seems to be no shortage among the Russian liberal opposition.

Their utterly cynical assumption that politics, at least in Russia, doesn't need to appeal to the voters at all, but is really about replacing the "bad" people-herders with "good" people-herders, has lead the opposition directly to the scorched earth policy that was adopted in the current Duma campaign. What does it matter how people vote, or even if they vote at all, for as Limonov vowed at the last Moscow rally before the elections, Another Russia does not intend to accept any results as legitimate.

Small wonder, then, that most Russians view the liberal opposition as simply wanting to take away the prosperity they have worked so hard to obtain? Nor is it any wonder that the Western media's uncritical adulation of this opposition, and of Another Russia in particular, is viewed by Russians with deep suspicion?

Far from indicating a retreat from democracy, the Russian electorate's decisive rejection of the current liberal opposition is a good sign that the country is progressing toward a mature democracy. Indeed, we can thank our lucky stars that the overwhelming majority of Russians have far too much common sense to vote for such extremists, even when disguised in "liberal" clothing.


Nicolai N. Petro served as the U.S. State Department's special assistant for policy on the Soviet Union under George H.W. Bush, and now teaches international politics at the University of Rhode Island (USA).


Putin's Russia Is 'A Different Country Now'

by Brian Whitmore and Robert Coalson


Vladimir Putin has a plan. So say the billboards that have that have sprung up like mushrooms across the country, proclaiming: "Putin's Plan Is Russia's Future." So says Koreiskiye LEDchiky, a rock band from Vladivostok, which recently released a song proclaiming: "Putin's Plan is top of the line. Isn't it hot?"

And so say the bureaucrats from the pro-Kremlin United Russia party who made the president's plan their electoral platform.


But just what this plan is, no one can say, even though Sunday's legislative elections were cast as a referendum on the Russian people's confidence in Putin and the direction he wants to take the country. Given United Russia's overwhelming victory, the Kremlin leader's new mandate could turn out to a blank check.

"The vote affirmed the main idea: that Vladimir Putin is a national leader, that the people support his course, and this course will continue", outgoing State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov, who heads United Russia, said after returns showed the party winning a massive two-thirds majority in parliament. The results, combined with United Russia's dominance of regional legislatures, mean the party will have the ability to single-handedly change the constitution.

So what will Putin, who led the United Russia candidate list, do with his new power? In a nationally-televised speech broadcast just days before the vote, the president gave one of the clearest indications yet about his intentions. "The country is now entering a period of full renewal of supreme legislative and executive authority. And in this situation it is especially important for us to ensure continuity in its [political] course", Putin said.

Sunday's carefully choreographed victory for United Russia was the first step in a Kremlin blueprint to establish an even more authoritarian, centrally-controlled and vertically integrated regime-a new and enduring political system based on the Soviet principle of one-party rule.