A future president could simply begin again enforcing those sanctions against Iranian assets, individuals and businesses that violate them. Perhaps even more importantly, even if the United States were to take a harder line against Iran in the future, violating the anticipated resolution, the Security Council would have to adopt a second resolution imposing enforcement measures against the United States, which the United States could of course veto.

In other words, if the administration does proceed to enshrine a nuclear-arms deal with Iran through the Security Council as a means of cutting Congress out of the process, it will not achieve its ultimate goal of a long-term agreement binding on the United States. It will merely impose additional and avoidable costs on the United States in the future when – as will almost certainly be the case – Iran again moves towards achieving nuclear power status. As a result, the administration should eschew this path and accept what the Constitution requires – Senate approval of the treaty it is now negotiating.

Messrs. Rivkin and Casey are partners at BakerHostetler LLP, specializing in constitutional litigation, and served at the Department of Justice and the White House Counsel’s Office during the Reagan and George H.W. Bush Administrations. Rivkin is also a senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.

Image: Wikimedia/Patrick Gruban