If security cooperation is to be effective in the 21st century, traditional concepts of sovereignty cannot be sustained without substantial modification. Cross-border operations involving the security forces of various countries are absolutely essential. Before interstate compacts inside the United States changed in the 1930s, local police forces were stymied if criminals were able to cross state lines. The same problem cannot be allowed to prevent effective action against terrorist forces across national boundaries.

All of this underscores the necessity of U.S. leadership and the active and effective collaboration of the other major powers in the region, including Canada, Brazil and Mexico, which is too often lacking. In an effort to deal with this phenomenon, the Declaration on Security adopted at the special OAS conference in Mexico City in October 2003 covers all the old and new issues and mandates reconsideration of the Rio Treaty and the American Treaty of Pacific Settlement (the Pact of Bogota). Unfortunately, although it is too early to tell what the practical effect of this declaration may be, the lack of enforcement mechanisms is not encouraging.

The global scope of U.S. responsibilities and capabilities since the end of the Cold War notwithstanding, U.S. dominance of the Western Hemisphere has paradoxically decreased. As a result, reflexive anti-Americanism has surged in Latin America, including in some of the most important and influential countries, such as Venezuela and Argentina. New hemispheric security practices must therefore be revised by building security collaboration gradually and incrementally, rather than through grand gestures and summit meetings. Such collaboration need not be expensive and is best approached through agreements at the operational level. The United States and Canada have provided important technical assistance and training for security forces in the hemisphere, such as U.S. aid and training for the Colombian military and police.

The use of the armed forces in internal security is a controversial issue, especially in those Latin American countries where in the past the military has intervened by force in the political process. The solution is professionalization: Soldiers and other members of the law enforcement community must be trained and certified for their jobs--and appropriately compensated. Consideration should be given to the establishment of security academies at a national and perhaps also regional or hemispheric level, covering more than the traditional police-school curriculum in order to produce officers capable of dealing with these new threats. Encouragement should be provided for the recruitment and training of civilian security specialists as well.

Members of the armed forces must receive training in law enforcement, security operations, terrorist tactics, and biological and chemical warfare. Equipment used by the security forces must be adjusted accordingly. Acquisition of expensive and unnecessary toys such as jet fighters, major surface vessels, submarines and main battle tanks should no longer be made. Naval training, equipment and operations should more closely resemble those of a coast guard than is common for a traditional navy.

Countries have made progress in this area, but there is still room for improvement, particularly with regard to addressing corruption within security forces and the judiciary. Corruption cannot effectively be curbed through punitive measures alone, since such measures often have to be applied by the very people most subject to the temptations of corruption. Only if punishments are combined with positive financial incentives is there any chance of success. Monetary rewards for police, judges, prosecutors and military officers must be increased, and special rewards offered for successful operations. After such measures are taken, however, punishment of those still engaging in corruption must be severe.

The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America emphasizes many of these issues and ratifies much of what has been done. At the operational level, cooperation and coordination of activities are good. At the political level, there are serious problems, especially since some of the countries of the hemisphere have installed governments that are less than friendly to the United States.

U.S. leadership will be sorely tested by these factors, and Washington may have to settle for incremental progress, often through bilateral agreements among agencies and departments of government, rather than hemisphere-wide agreements among states. The effort has been hampered further by the Bush Administration's (understandable) emphasis on other parts of the world, particularly the Middle East. Partially as a result, the manning of positions of importance in hemispheric affairs was lethargic and subject to congressional obstructionism, despite the fact that our two immediate neighbors are our largest and second-largest trading and investment partners. Much more attention is required on the part of both the administration and Congress. We must never lose sight of the fact that the Western Hemisphere is where we live. It is our home. If we don't pay close attention to security in our own home, who will?