Milei’s commitment to Israel, however, goes beyond a desire to stay in tune with the United States. Although remaining a nominal Catholic, he is fascinated by Judaism and has studied with an Argentine rabbi whom he has since named his ambassador to Israel. Of course, the fact that Israel has a right-wing prime minister in Benjamin Netanyahu creates a bond. Milei visited Israel in February and was warmly received there.

The U.S. administration has been, in turn, generally supportive of Milei since he came to office, despite the fact that he had earlier dismissed President Biden as a “moderate socialist. But a socialist” (Milei’s definition of socialism often seems to embrace anyone who does not subscribe to his minimalist view of government). Biden called Milei to congratulate him on his victory, and Secretary of State Blinken has visited Argentina. When the head of U.S. Southern Command came to Argentina, Milei accompanied on her internal travel, underscoring his desire for a “strategic alliance.”

The bilateral relationship has stayed on an even keel despite the fact that prior to his election, Milei had displayed an affinity for President Trump. Trump, in turn, had effusively congratulated him on his victory, claiming it as a sign of global support for his approach to governance. The rapprochement between the Biden and Milei administrations may be in part due to Milei’s helpful positions on global issues, especially as support from other Latin American countries has often been wanting. 

But it may largely derive from the reality that it is in the U.S. interest that Milei succeeds in reviving Argentina’s economy or, at a minimum, that he avoids a crisis that would require direct American engagement. Argentina also needs the United States, the largest shareholder in the International Monetary Fund, which is massively indebted and from which it will likely seek fresh funds at some point. The Biden administration has sent senior Treasury and Commerce Department officials to Argentina for consultations and has been supportive of his painful economic reform plan.

Global Speechmaking Vs. Domestic Governance

Milei’s embrace by the global Right is, in some ways, a misreading of the man. He is a true believer in libertarian thought and passionate about economics, a subject in which he has graduate degrees from Argentine universities. The issues that currently animate the American and European Rights hold little interest to him. He does not speak of the dangers of immigration, which is not an issue in Argentina. In fact, the country faces the opposite problem, with large numbers emigrating in the face of a chronic economic crisis. Ironically, many venture to Spain, which they apparently do not find to be quite the hellscape Milei sees. 

Also, the protectionism prominent in current rightist discourse, from Trump to Le Pen, is alien to the libertarianism that Milei avows—indeed, boosting exports and attracting foreign investment figure into his plans for economic revival. And while he has taken hardline positions on crime and abortion, he rarely speaks on these issues.

His passion is shrinking the state. He has spoken admiringly of Margaret Thatcher, who is hardly a beloved figure in Argentina, where the Falklands War is remembered bitterly. His affection for the United States seems based on seeing it principally as a bulwark against global leftism. He views European social democracy through the lens of Argentina’s experience with Peronism despite the fact that the latter was a unique movement with roots also in militarism, Catholic social doctrine, and pre-World War II European fascism. This may be the ultimate source of his rather silly spat with Spain’s prime minister.

In the end, Milei will be judged by his performance in reversing Argentina’s decline. At this point, he has had some success in cutting spending and taming inflation at the price of a recession. He enjoys significant popular support for now and has been able to brush off concerns, such as those of Pope Francis, about his policies’ effects on the poor. The recent passage of legislation giving him greater authority to implement his economic plans has been an important short-term victory for him.

However, the question of whether he can engender a sustained recovery that attracts investment, creates jobs, and reduces poverty is still wide open. Meanwhile, as he wrestles with these issues, he will likely continue to take breaks to accept invitations to speak at international conferences at which he can denounce socialism and evangelize for libertarianism.

Richard M. Sanders is Senior Fellow, Western Hemisphere at the Center for the National Interest. A former member of the Senior Foreign Service of the U.S. Department of State, he served as Argentina desk officer, 1997–99, and as Director of the Office of Brazilian and Southern Cone Affairs, 2010–13.

Image: Lev Radin / Shutterstock.com.