Remembering the Holocaust in Ukraine

February 3, 2018 Topic: History Region: Europe Tags: HolocaustJewishArmyUkraineNazis

Remembering the Holocaust in Ukraine

Some countries in Eastern Europe, like Ukraine, remain reluctant to fully confront the darker aspects of their nation's World War II history.

With Holocaust Remembrance Day dawning last Saturday, it’s important to remember that the Nazis could not have implemented the Shoah without widespread assistance from local collaborators. While Western European nations have largely come to grips with the fact that some of their citizens collaborated with the Nazis, some countries in Eastern Europe remain reluctant to fully confront the darker aspects of their nation's World War II history.

One country struggling with this is Ukraine, a nation seeking to create a new national narrative while simultaneously fighting an existential war against a Russian enemy seeking to block Kyiv’s desire to join the West.

It’s been a bumpy ride so far. As part of a series of “decommunization” laws passed in 2015, the country’s complete set of archives from the “Soviet organs of repression” were transferred to Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (UINP), a government entity tasked with the “implementation of state policy in the field of restoration and preservation of national memory of the Ukrainian people.” Central to this has been a campaign by UINP to depict the World War II-era nationalist groups, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), as multi-ethnic and democratic organizations while whitewashing their involvement in the Holocaust and mass ethnic cleansing of Poles during World War II.

As Ukraine recently prepared to mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the creation of the UPA’s founding, President Petro Poroshenko became directly involved in UINP’s mission. In a directive sent to regional governments, Poroshenko's office instructed officials on how to “provide citizens with objective information” on the UPA’s history. Attached to the instructions circulated by Poroshenko’s Office was a historical addendum prepared by UINP:

There is evidence that Jews fought in the UPA. They considered their stay in this army as real salvation from physical extermination by the Nazis. That's why so many Jews moved there after escaping from the ghetto, others were released from there by Ukrainian insurgents.


They positively proved themselves not only as ordinary soldiers, but also as qualified doctors. The volumes “Chronicles of the UPA” contain information about the heroics of Jews who fought in the ranks of the UPA both against Nazism and against communism, and many of them died in the fight for the will of Ukraine and the honor of the Jewish people.

UINP’s addendum represents the exact opposite of the truth. Many UPA cadres came from the ranks of the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police—an organization deeply complicit in collaborating with the Nazis to implement the Final Solution in Ukraine. Perhaps not surprisingly then, while focusing its killing machine largely against Polish civilians, the UPA also frequently hunted down the few surviving Jews still alive in western Ukraine in 1943–1944.

In sum, the office of Ukraine's head of state is peddling Holocaust revisionism—something we should all be disturbed by. To be clear, there's no evidence that Poroshenko supports UINP’s views or holds any anti-Semitic beliefs himself—indeed his Prime Minister and many of his acquaintances are Jewish—but by outsourcing the “management” of Ukraine's memory to UINP he must be considered at least indirectly responsible for helping whitewash his nation's complicated Holocaust history.

Kyiv's state-sponsored memory campaign represents a betrayal of the democratic ideals Euromaidan's brave protesters fought for. While demonstrators did include a sprinkling of far right ultranationalist organizations, the overwhelming numbers of protesters were driven by their desire for Ukraine to become a fully European state. Moreover—unlike in many other European countries—far-right parties like Svoboda draw little electoral support and there’s no evidence Ukraine’s citizens possess widespread anti-Semitic attitudes.

Even aside from the ethical problems intrinsic to Holocaust obfuscation, UINP’s memory politics also negatively impact Ukraine's in its ongoing information war with Russia. Russian trolls and state-owned media such as RT and Sputnik love falsely depicting post-revolutionary Ukraine as overrun by anti-Semitic fascists and Nazi sympathizers. For the Kremlin’s propaganda apparatus, UINP is a gift that keeps on giving.

Finally, given the increasing Western academic consensus on the crimes committed by some OUN-UPA members, Ukrainian officials risk waking up one day to discover that their country's memory politics have been officially condemned in the United States or Europe. As Andreas Umland argues “in Ukraine, only a few political and intellectual leaders seem to comprehend how important the memory of the Holocaust has become to the formation of post-war Western intellectual and political discourse…. the more details of certain OUN members’ involvement in the Holocaust will become known to Western public—such as the crimes committed in the summer of 1941—the more scandalous the Ukrainian state’s current glorification of the OUN and its leaders will become.” Ukraine already faced this situation once in 2010 when the European Parliament denounced former Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko's decision to label OUN leader Stepan Bandera a “Hero of Ukraine,” and at a time of war the last thing Kyiv needs is a public condemnation from the West for Holocaust revisionism.