Uzbeks Feel Challenged by October Terror Attack

Uzbeks Feel Challenged by October Terror Attack

As more Central Asians become U.S. citizens and voters, their impact and influence on domestic American political dynamics will inevitably grow.

Immigrant communities in America have grown cohesive—and sometimes even powerful—by organizing themselves into civically aware and politically active diasporas. But for immigrants from Central Asia, one of the youngest communities in the United States, growing numbers have yielded little in the way of political cohesion.

Some 350,000 immigrants have arrived from these former Soviet countries since the 1950s. The largest group, Uzbeks, is scattered from Key West, Florida, to Anchorage, Alaska, with estimated numbers at 250,000 strong. Brooklyn, New York, has become a self-contained “Little Uzbekistan,” centered on the Brighton Beach neighborhood: colorful stores and restaurants, supermarkets and bakeries abound.

Yet these new Americans—citizens and Green Card holders—remain atomized and politically passive, focused mostly within their communities rather than on civic debates and public responsibilities.

Now, that may be changing, as a terror attack perpetrated by just one member of the community has served to repulse the entire community. The October 31 attack in New York has fueled new debates about what it means to be both Uzbek and American at a time of political ferment in the United States around questions of extremism, immigration, and both the causes and consequences of terrorism.

A Community Awakened


The October attack, perpetrated by Sayfullo Saipov, a permanent U.S. resident originally from Uzbekistan, has engendered heated public debate among Uzbeks across the world over how he should be identified and what his origins and journey to and in America mean for the community writ large.

Saipov has told a federal court that his goal was to kill as many people as possible, showing his loyalty to the Islamic State, which, he says, inspired him through its online propaganda.

In fact, U.S. authorities believe that Saipov, who received a Green Card through the Diversity Lottery Visa Program in 2010, was radicalized in the United States, not in his native Uzbekistan. Many security experts and specialists on the region agree. That may be one reason that, for the first time, the Uzbek government in Tashkent expressed condolences in the wake of the attack and has demonstrated a considerable eagerness to cooperate with the U.S. investigation.

But the Uzbek-American community is clearly wounded by the implication that its ranks could have bred a “terrorist” in their adopted land. An emotional outpouring has ensued, including heated exchanges on social media and feedback to news organizations such as my network, the Voice of America, critiquing coverage of the New York attack on the grounds that we have covered the suspect as an “Uzbek” rather than a generic “terrorist.”

These voices argue that a terrorist is a terrorist: nationality or ethnicity should not factor into the debate lest it cast aspersions on an entire community.

Notably, this has also been the widely held view of Uzbeks in Uzbekistan itself. “Characters like Saipov do not belong to Uzbekistan,” writes one young researcher from Tashkent on Voice of America’s Facebook feed: “Our government knows how to deal with anyone who supports radicalism and extremism. We make sure that there are no Uzbek terrorists. So this guy who left Uzbekistan a long time ago is an American now and his actions should be analyzed in that context.”

Indeed, many Uzbeks still in their homeland refuse to digest “bad news” involving their overseas compatriots, accusing the West of unfairness and injustice. Don’t single out “Uzbeks,” they write and say. After all, several white Americans, they argue, have also committed mass murder—and killed more people.

But the Uzbek-American community has been especially anguished by the implication that they should be associated with the likes of Saipov. And this points to the underlying tension between how deeply people feel about their adopted identity as true Americans, living in the United States and committed to its principles, and the fact that they also maintain deep roots in their ethnic and linguistic community.

Community leaders, such as Olim Sharipov in Chicago, say that terrorists have no country, no religion and no national identity. He and many others claim that by committing evil acts, people like Saipov strip themselves of any identity: they are neither American nor Uzbek nor anything else, for that matter; no one should wish to claim them.

Context and Consequence

But can a terrorist, radicalized in the United States, be separated entirely from the context from which he came?

Steven Swerdlow, a researcher at Human Rights Watch, argues that the context in Uzbekistan may matter more than the community in America might believe: “Obviously,” he argues, “we should not overemphasize his Uzbek nationality, but it is important to understand the circumstances of the country he comes from.”

Uzbekistan is not the overgeneralized “hotbed of Islamic extremism” that some Western media have claimed. Still, while the community at home and abroad may resent the association with “terrorists,” conditions in Uzbekistan have played a role in fueling exit from the country in the first place. Lack of justice, widespread corruption, poverty and complex socio-economic conditions are the principal factors that drive millions of young Uzbeks to look for opportunities overseas. And a small percentage of these people may have turned to ISIS and other radical movements.