Israel has vowed to destroy Hamas as a military and political force in Gaza. This is a worthy goal and one that President Biden and members of Congress from both parties have come together to support. Even with America on its side, however, Israel faces daunting challenges in fighting this war.

Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who also served as Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and is Israel’s most decorated soldier, identified three key constraints to the IDF’s campaign in Gaza: the hostages held by Hamas, the possibility of intervention by Hezbollah and Iran, and time.

Time is not on Israel’s side in this conflict. The controversy over the purported bombing of Al-Ahli Hospital serves as a graphic reminder that the longer the combat drags on, the greater the outrage over civilian casualties, and the more international pressure to end the fighting will grow. Either Israel wraps this up quickly—which is impossible—or we find ways to help the civilian population in Gaza and give the IDF the breathing room necessary to accomplish its military objectives.

President Biden made significant progress with the Israelis in creating humanitarian corridors into Gaza. Unfortunately, it takes two to tango, and Hamas isn’t dancing. As the governing authority in Gaza, Hamas controls everything: the economy, infrastructure, and logistics. Until now, it has used this power to block relief in a cynical ploy to exacerbate the suffering of non-combatants and ratchet up the international pressure on Israel. Hamas has stolen UN-supplied fuel intended for civilian use and prevented families from fleeing south, as ordered by the Israelis.

Objectionable though it may be, securing some concessions from Hamas is a tactical necessity if we are to see hostages released, civilians moved to safe zones, and aid delivered. Achieving any or all of these objectives will significantly enhance the IDF’s ability to pursue its military campaign. In this respect, diplomacy becomes a powerful weapon in the fight against Hamas. Successful negotiations with Hamas will provide Israel’s soldiers with the breathing room necessary to do their jobs.

In previous rounds of fighting, two nations—Egypt and Qatar—have served as intermediaries between Israel and Hamas. Qatar’s good offices, in particular, proved indispensable in securing vital assistance for Palestinians caught in the crossfire and in healing the scars of war. The United States encouraged, supported, and expressed gratitude for their successful efforts to negotiate hostage releases, broker cease-fires, and provide humanitarian relief.

If we want to facilitate Israel’s ongoing military operation, we need Qatar. The world is beating a path to Doha’s door because Qatar has the contacts with Hamas and the experience necessary to free the hostages, as evidenced by the recent release of two Israeli-Americans. For years, and in cooperation with the Israelis, Qatar has been providing for the humanitarian needs of Gaza’s civilian population. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has previously defended his government’s decision to allow Qatar to transfer millions of dollars to Gaza, arguing that it helped maintain stability. The Israeli government went so far as to send the head of Mossad to Doha in 2020 to plead for the Qataris to maintain the flow of aid to Gaza.

President Biden and Prime Minister Netanyahu have reason to be concerned that Hamas will siphon off the aid intended for besieged civilians since they have a history of doing just that. Qatar’s network of relationships in Gaza and its track record of providing help to the captive population there could spell the difference between success and failure of the relief effort.

Calls for the closing of Hamas’s office in Doha or sanctioning Qatar over its contact with the group are as misguided as they are self-defeating. The office is one of the only channels the United States has to Hamas; without it, we lose a critical channel for securing the release of American hostages held in Gaza. Qatar knows how to negotiate hostage releases. They have done it for us successfully with terrorist regimes in Afghanistan and Iran.

Until the savagery of the October 7 attack against Israel, it was U.S. policy to rely on Qatar as a proxy with Hamas since we couldn’t deal with a terrorist organization but still required a trusted intermediary to act on our behalf. In 2004, the Bush Administration asked Qatar to open a channel with Hamas and persuade them to participate in Gazan elections, which the group won in 2006. Six years later, again at the request of the United States and with the endorsement of Israel, Qatar allowed Hamas to open its political office in Doha in 2012. Since then, every elected government in the United States and Israel has encouraged Qatar to maintain relations with Hamas.

Everything changed on October 7. Peace with Hamas is not an option. The United States has committed itself to helping Israel destroy the group. Qatar’s unique capabilities and cooperation are critical to achieving this objective. Equally importantly, both Israel and the United States will once again need Qatar to secure a better future for the Palestinian people.

Professor Ivan Sascha Sheehan is the associate dean of the College of Public Affairs and past executive director of the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Baltimore. Opinions expressed are his own. Follow him on X @ProfSheehan.

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