Donald Trump’s 2024 election victory, encompassing the electoral college and the popular vote (along with gains within traditionally Democratic demographics), is reminiscent of the Reagan victories of the 1980s. The surprising result represents a commonsense mandate for a stronger, more secure, and prosperous America. Like President Ronald Reagan, President Donald Trump has expanded the Republican Party into a broad coalition, drawing support from diverse groups that have traditionally leaned Democratic. Echoing President Andrew Jackson, Trump’s influence signifies a forceful rejection of the entrenched elite ruling class. These dynamics will shape America’s approach to international relations.

The American people have handed the Republican Party and President Trump the White House, Senate, and likely the House. This achievement is particularly remarkable, given the American public’s predilection for splitting the legislative and executive power between competing parties. 

Trump has transformed the “Blue Wall” states into Republican territory. He won nearly every swing state—Georgia, North Carolina, Arizona, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Impressively, he garnered over 50 percent of the vote in traditionally Democratic strongholds like Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, all of which have Democratic governors. He strengthened his appeal in rural America and substantially narrowed the Democratic advantage in urban areas. For instance, in Chicago, where Biden defeated Trump by 83 to 16 percent, Trump’s loss to Harris was considerably narrower 62 to 37 percent. 

This election was not only a major Republican win but also a seismic Democratic setback, as many Americans prioritized economic stability, secure borders, crime prevention, and a strong America on the world stage over elite-driven issues such as green and woke politics, unregulated immigration, refusal to prosecute shoplifting, and a shameful withdrawal from Afghanistan. Trump’s victory—like Reagan’s—will propel Democrats to course correct toward the center.

Armed with a solid national mandate, President Trump is positioned to engage with the world assuredly. He has made it clear that he expects America’s allies and partners to carry their weight and not depend solely on U.S. support. His administration’s message to allies may well echo the sentiment that “God and America help those who help themselves.” A strong America needs capable allies and partners, and Trump has been vocal that NATO members not meeting the 2 percent defense spending threshold must increase their contributions. In fact, that percentage may no longer be enough, given what the war in Ukraine has revealed about the state of Western militaries, ammunition production, and defense-industrial complexes. European and allied capitals should prepare for calls to raise defense spending to 3 percent.

One consistent theme among Trump supporters is their appreciation of his straightforwardness. He is a leader very much unafraid to “call it like it is.” America’s adversaries and allies should be prepared for often decidedly undiplomatic talk. European partners, who sometimes align with American conservatives in cultural matters while favoring China on economic issues antithetical to American and allied interests, should be prepared to be called out on their double talk. Past administrations have diplomatically maintained that allies are not expected to “choose” between the United States and China—while China does precisely that. We may now expect more “straight talk” from incoming Trump officials. 

Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong-Un, or Xi Jinping holding fantastical hopes of manipulating Trump’s ego while doubling down on the China-Russia “no-limits” partnership and supporting Iran’s terrorist disruptions in the Middle East should best prepare for Trump’s instinctive realism. The China-Russia nexus with the North Koreans fighting on Russia’s behalf in Ukraine points to a global—not regional—alignment of America’s adversaries. Conversely, the China-Russia nexus is tirelessly working to divide America from its traditional European allies and others in the Indo-Pacific. Clear-eyed realism calls for restoring America’s core alliances and partnerships against shared adversaries. 

“No new wars and a strong America” remain central to Trump’s vision, akin to past presidents who promoted “peace through strength.” This vision puts a high priority on deterrence capabilities—i.e., credible military superiority. His emphasis on allies meeting their military commitments—2 percent going on to three—suggests that Washington may lead the way with a substantial increase in its own defense budget that addresses critical deficiencies in naval power, space capabilities, and emergent technology. 

Trump’s embrace of realism during his first administration brought about much-needed changes in global affairs. He was instrumental in raising awareness in the United States and the world of the threat posed by Beijing, dismantling earlier default notions that China could be a “responsible stakeholder” in the rules-based international system. His administration worked tirelessly to reenergize and repurpose the Quad group, including Australia, Japan, and India, to promote a free and open Indo-Pacific. He elevated U.S. engagement with ASEAN and the Pacific Islands. He imposed tariffs on Chinese goods. The Biden administration enthusiastically continued many of these policies.

Trump, pointing to the serious consequences of NATO members not meeting their defense obligations, did more than any other U.S. president to instill a sense of urgency among several member states to step up to their commitments. He, more than many recent U.S. Presidents, normalized Israel-Arab relations through the Abraham Accords and laid the foundation for a new Middle East. He also imbued much-needed realism in U.S. engagements with Africa and Latin America. These are considerable achievements and a solid legacy to build upon.

Contrary to punditry, Trump, in his first administration, enjoyed a constructive personal rapport with several national leaders, including Prime Ministers Abe and Modi of Japan and India, respectively, and leaders across the Middle East. Some in Europe imprudently chose to devote more attention to style over substance. In Trump’s second administration, European leaders would be wise to approach him with a forward-looking disposition, prioritizing symbiotic transatlantic national interests in jointly combatting shared adversaries. More broadly, while U.S.-Europe relations may face short-term challenges, areas of strategic convergence—such as countering China’s mercantilist policies—should take precedence over areas of divergence.

America’s democracy is repurposed and strong. The recent electoral results convey a wide and united mandate greater than those over the last few decades. Trump’s first term arguably made both America and its allies more secure and prosperous. A second term can reasonably be expected to deliver a stronger record of achievements. Europe and the world should take notice and come prepared for no-nonsense, strong, and reciprocal engagement, reinforcing alliances and partnerships advancing shared interests.

Kaush Arha is President of the Free & Open Indo-Pacific Forum and a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council and the Krach Institute for Tech Diplomacy at Purdue.

Carlos Roa is a Visiting Fellow at the Danube Institute and an Associate Washington Fellow at the Institute for Peace and Diplomacy. He is the former executive editor of The National Interest and remains a contributing editor of that publication.

Image: Phil Mistry / Shutterstock.com.