2. Criticisms from the citizenry to allocating resources abroad when more development is required at home. Later in the essay, lack of freedom and democracy are raised as a severe limiting factors to Chinese influence and power around the world. If China's leadership is responsive to domestic opinion in foreign affairs this should be commended. This is inconsistent with the later description of China as a totalitarian state which is claimed seriously detracts from its international power. Is the case being made for dictatorial or oligarchic rule with this statement? Should the US government ignore the democratic sovereignty of its people in the exercise of foreign policy following a course of action with little popular support? That Chinese leaders are constrained by their citizen's wishes therefore is testament to their growing political emancipation and personal freedoms.

3. “China has a kind of ‘transactional’ approach to expending effort, especially when it involves money. This grows out of Chinese commercial culture but extends into many other realms of Chinese behavior. The Chinese want to know exactly what they will get back from a certain investment and when. Thus, the whole premise of philanthropy and contributing selflessly to common public goods is alien to the thinking of many Chinese.” Is there any evidence that the Chinese “‘transactional’ approach to expending effort, especially when it involves money” is in any way dissimilar from the free-market capitalist system? In what way does Chinese Confucian culture differ from free-market Anglo-Saxon Capitalism in its approach to charity and philanthropy? Moreover, is altruism synonymous with great-power status?

Summary

The contrarian positions supported by the article alleging that China's power in relation to foreign diplomacy is overemphasized lack substantiation and are influenced by logical inconsistencies and cognitive biases. The latter is best exemplified by the statement that “no other societies are taking their cultural cues from China.” Shambaugh suggests that China is completely absent as a global cultural power. It would be illuminating to look at Japan, Korea, South East Asia and various “Chinatowns” around the world and ask whether Chinese cultural influences are absent. In relation to Chinese attitudes to charity and philanthropy, this cultural bias is particularly unpleasant and is unhelpful in forming a scientific analysis of China's rise.

China is not isolated diplomatically. It is following its own unique strategy and limiting its engagement in matters of little national importance. The contention that China is an irresponsible nation, an irresolvable ethical and philosophical question, also has no pertinence to discussions of international power. Nor does Chinese advancement of its trade interests and stage-management of international events detract from its prestige. Some, including the Chinese leadership, view economic dominion as being more advantageous and less risky than force projection.

The common theme in the article’s discussion of Chinese diplomacy is that China does not behave like the United States; that if China were to surpass the United States, it would act similarly disregarding its traditional Confucian modesty. Apparent Chinese weakness is not a consequence of lack of power, but may be explained by Sun Tzu himself: “If your opponent is of choleric temper, seek to irritate him. Pretend to be weak, that he may grow arrogant.”

Clark Edward Barrett holds a Ph.D. in Materials Science from the University of Cambridge and a Research degree in Nuclear Physics. He has lectured on Chinese economic and technology policy in London and Cambridge and has advised members of the British Parliament.